997 resultados para matkakertomukset - kuvitus - 1810-1820-luku


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The aim of this article is to give an overview of the political situation of Brazil in 1810. It offers an opposed view to the traditional perspective, that presents a calm scenario, without great political challenges. In fact, although Brazil was in a different situation when compared with Spanish America, it was part of the same general context. It is true that Brazil had opportunities to learn its own ways to avoid revolutions, but, in the end, this goal was impossible to achieve.

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This article examines the formative platform of the Congress of Panama of 1826. It seeks to support the hypothesis that the nature and scope of the first test of integration in the Western Hemisphere depended critically on the platform created by Simón Bolívar and other Latin American Independence heroes from the Declaration of Independence of Venezuela in 1810 until the last bilateral agreement of 1826. In that respect, it corroborates the Latin American Identity of the initiative.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em História dos Séculos XIX-XX (secção do século XIX)

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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Résumé: Ce travail d'histoire comparée de la littérature et de la sociologie s'interroge sur l'émergence de la notion de type dans les pratiques de description du monde social au cours des années 1820-1860. A partir de l'analyse des opérations de schématisation engagées par Honoré Balzac dans La Comédie humaine et par Frédéric Le Play dans Les Ouvriers européens, soit deux oeuvres que tout semble éloigner du point de vue de leurs ambitions, de leur forme, et de la trajectoire de leur auteur, mais qui toutes deux placent cependant la typification au centre de leur dispositif, il s'est agi de produire une histoire de l'imagination typologique, et des ontologies, sociales ou non, qui lui furent associées. Aussi le corpus intègre-t-il des textes d'histoire naturelle, de sciences médicales, d'histoire, de chimie, de géologie, de métallurgie, et, bien évidemment, les genres du roman sentimental, du roman historique et de la littérature panoramique, ainsi que les enquêtes ouvrières et la statistique. Abstract: This work offers a compared history of literature and sociology in France between 1820 and 1860. During that period, the notion of type appears in the literary and sociological descriptions of social reality, and becomes more and more central in the apprehension of the differenciations among classes, communities or groups. Based on the analysis of Honoré Balzac's La Comédie humaine and Frédéric Le Play's Les Ouvriers européens, this study shows that these two series of novels and of workers' monographies put typification at the center of their descriptive ambition. More broadly, it proposes a history of the uses of a typological imagination and of the ontologies, above all social, that were underlying them. That is why the texts also taken into account in this study ranges from natural history, medical sciences, history, chemistry geology and metallurgy, to the sentimental novel, the historical novel and the panoramic literature, as well as social inquiries and statistics.

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Sobre la Girona Constitucional del trienni 1820-1823, en base la documentació existent a l'Arxiu Municipal i a l'Arxiu Diocesà