The priorities of the Polish presidency of the Council of the European Union

The paper discusses the Polish presidency of the EU Council in terms of its priorities. It analyzes the circumstances of their formulation, selection and implementation. The authors answer the question of what influenced the selection of Poland’s priorities and what selection mechanisms were applied. Additionally, they examine how the national agenda was ‘concealed’ in Community rhetoric. Thus, the analytical part discusses the political and legal path that determined the priorities. The EU agenda, Polish ambitions and the context of the trio is also presented. The paper concludes with the authors’ assessment of the implementation of the priorities.

News telewizyjny jako akt retoryczny

Artykuł przedstawia news telewizyjny jako akt retoryczny. News telewizyjny rozumiany jest jako relacja o wydarzeniu zbudowana zazwyczaj z zapowiedzi i krótkiego kilkuminutowego materiału filmowego (nazywanego czasem felietonem), będącego rezultatem pracy reporter-skiej, wyemitowana w telewizji, zazwyczaj jako jeden z elementów w strukturze magazynu informacyjnego, ale również jako element bloków programowych telewizji informacyjnych. Newsy telewizyjne funkcjonują w mediach jako jeden z elementów działań strategicznych nadawców medialnych nastawionych na określone cele, w tym cele wizerunkowe, polityczne i ekonomiczne. Newsy powstają jako reakcja na konkretne wydarzenia, zaspokajają potrzebę informacji, ale służą też kreowaniu obrazu świata, skupianiu uwagi na pewnych aspektach rze-czywistości, wartościowaniu jej, przekonywaniu o ważności lub nieważności pewnych zda-rzeń. Pełnią funkcje informacyjne, ale też kreacyjne, wzorcotwórcze, stymulacyjne, wartościu-jące, i w końcu estetyczne. Dla osiągnięcia tych celów są odpowiednio konstruowane, z uwzględnieniem specyfiki i potrzeb odbiorcy oraz ethosu nadawcy. W tym sensie są więc ak-tami „retorycznymi”, a więc zamierzonymi, celowymi, będącymi odpowiedzią na określoną sytuację (uwarunkowane są historycznie, społecznie i politycznie) i adresowanymi do określo-nych odbiorców.

The Return of Institutions. On the Latest Change in the Research on Social and Economic Development

The paper describes the latest change in the research on social and economic development of states. This change is characterized mainly by a strong emphasis put on the role of institutions as key instruments of reducing the development gap between countries. It is argued that in the years after 1989 institutions have disappeared from mainstream academia and major intellectual debates because of: (1) the widespread belief in global convergence of capitalism and (2) the modernization theory which prevailed in the social science in the 1990s. The article indicates that institutions were once again brought into focus as a result of (1) a wider debate about the institutional sources of growth and development sparked by Acemoglu and Robinson’s Why Nations Fail, (2) the beginning of the global economic crisis of 2008 triggered by the fall of American investment bank Lehman Brothers (3) diversified consequences of the economic crisis seen all over Europe and the USA which illustrate (4) the institutional varieties of capitalism.

Health as a Public Good

The purpose of the article is to present different conceptualizations of health as a public good. Author considers whether analytical tools and conceptual framework developed in the studies on the issue of public goods might be useful in order to analyze health. It was noted that health belongs to the special group of exceptional goods, since it carries the characteristics of both private and public good. It was emphasized that the distribution of public goods is a complex issue that requires an appropriate system of incentives as well as instruments in charge of its proper functioning. In the article it is argued that the widespread social anxiety and growing fear of further integration and globalization to a large extend results from the wrong management and unequal provision of global public goods.

Kapuściński non-fiction – próba analizy debaty publicznej

Artykuł stanowi próbę analizy debaty publicznej wywołanej publikacją na początku marca 2010 roku biografii Ryszarda Kapuścińskiego zatytułowanej "Kapuściński non-fiction". Debata ta była pod wieloma względami zjawiskiem bez precedensu. Jak wskazywano, być może po raz pierwszy od roku 1989 zawiodły w jej trakcie proste osie predykcji - nie był to konflikt lewica/prawica, starzy/młodzi czy III RP/IV RP. W debacie wokół książki Artura Domosławskiego głos zabrali ludzie, którzy często traktowali Ryszarda Kapuścińskiego jako swojego mistrza i guru zawodowego, koledzy i koleżanki po piórze, adepci tzw. polskiej szkoły reportażu, publicyści i dziennikarze najważniejszych tytuł prasowych oraz mediów elektronicznych, ale także pisarze, politycy oraz duchowni. Przedmiotem szczególnie wnikliwego namysłu były zwłaszcza trzy kwestie: proporcja faktów i fikcji literackiej w twórczości Kapuścińskiego, jego młodzieńcze heglowskie ukąszenie i późniejsza wieloletnia identyfikacja z Polską Ludową, oraz ewolucja ideowa po 1989 roku. W niniejszym artykule pominięto pierwszy wątek i skupiono się na dwóch kolejnych, traktując je jako szczególnie interesujące przy rozważaniu związków między polityką a kulturą.

Proces prekaryzacji pracy - nowe kierunki zmian społeczno-gospodarczych w świecie

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

Wstępne uwagi o powszechnym głosowaniu korespondencyjnym w wyborach prezydenckich w 2015 r. (wybrane zagadnienia)

Instytucja mężów zaufania, często określana mianem „niemych obserwatorów wyborów”, traktowana jest z dużym dystansem i budzi wśród przedstawicieli doktryny prawa konstytucyjnego, jak również świata polityki, wiele wątpliwości. Zadaniem mężów zaufania jest reprezentowanie podczas wyborów interesu kandydata, bądź listy kandydatów, przed komisją wyborczą i czuwanie nad prawidłowym przebiegiem czynności wyborczych, w tym przede wszystkim zliczaniem głosów i ustalaniem wyników wyborów. Ma zatem istotne znaczenie dla zapewnienia rzetelności i uczciwości procedur wyborczych, jak również poszanowania podstawowych zasad prawa wyborczego, w szczególności zasady powszechności i wolności wyborów oraz tajności głosowania. Niestety w Kodeksie wyborczym uregulowana jest stosunkowo fragmentarycznie, zaś jej dookreślenie znajduje się w wytycznych Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej. Przed wyborami pojawiają się również różne (opracowywane najczęściej przez partie polityczne) instrukcje, określane także mianem vademecum, czy poradniki dla mężów zaufania, których treść może budzić wątpliwości. Wywołuje to potrzebę debaty przedstawicieli doktryny i polityków nad funkcjami i konstrukcją prawną instytucji mężów zaufania w polskim prawie wyborczym, jak i stosownymi jego zmianami.

Espionage against Poland in the Documents and Analyses of the Polish Special Services (1944 - 1989) - as Illustrated by the Intelligence Activities of the USA

The text analyses the intelligence activity against Poland in the period 1944-1989. The paper also contains a case study, i.e. an analysis of the American intelligence service activity held against Poland. While examining the research thesis, the author used the documents and analyses prepared by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In order to best illustrate the point, the author presented a number of cases of persons who spied for the USA, which was possible thanks to the analysis of the training materials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs directed to the officers of the Security Service and the Citizens’ Militia. The text tackles the following issues: (1) to what extent did the character of the socio-political system influence the number of persons convicted for espionage against Poland in the period under examination?, (2) what was the level of interest of the foreign intelligence services in Poland before the year 1990?, (3) is it possible to indicate the specificity of the U.S. intelligence activity against Poland? 1) The analysis of data indicates that the period 1946-1956 witnessed a great number of convictions for espionage, which is often associated with the peculiar political situation in Poland of that time. Up to 1953, the countries of the Eastern bloc had reproduced the Stalin’s system, which only ceased due to the death of Stalin himself. Since then, the communist systems gradually transformed into the system of nomenklatura. Irrespective of these changes, Poland still witnessed a wave of repressions, which resulted from the threats continuously looming over the communist authorities – combating the anti-communist underground movement, fighting with the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the Polish government-in-exile, possible revisionism of borders, social discontent related to the socio-political reforms. Hence, a great number of convictions for espionage at that time could be ascribed to purely political sentences. Moreover, equally significant was the fact that the then judicial practice was preoccupied assessing negatively any contacts and relations with foreigners. This excessive number of convictions could ensue from other criminal-law provisions, which applied with respect to the crimes against the State, including espionage. What is also important is the fact that in the Stalin’s period the judiciary personnel acquired their skills and qualifications through intensive courses in law with the predominant spirit of the theory of evidence and law by Andrey Vyshinsky. Additionally, by the decree of 1944 the Penal Code of the Polish Armed Forces was introduced; the code envisaged the increase in the number of offences classified as penalised with death penalty, whereas the high treason was subject to the military jurisdiction (the civilians were prosecuted in military courts till 1955; the espionage, however, still stood under the military jurisdiction). In 1946, there was introduced the Decree on particularly dangerous crimes in the period of the State’s recovery, which was later called a Small Penal Code. 2) The interest that foreign intelligence services expressed in relation to Poland was similar to the one they had in all countries of Eastern and Central Europe. In the case of Poland, it should be noted that foreign intelligence services recruited Polish citizens who had previously stayed abroad and after WWII returned to their home country. The services also gathered information from Poles staying in immigrant camps (e.g. in FRG). The activity of the American intelligence service on the territory of FRG and West Berlin played a key role. The documents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs pointed to the global range of this activity, e.g. through the recruitment of Polish sailors in the ports of the Netherlands, Japan, etc. In line with the development in the 1970s, espionage, which had so far concentrated on the defence and strategic sectors, became focused on science and technology of the People’s Republic of Poland. The acquisition of collaborators in academic circles was much easier, as PRL opened to academic exchange. Due to the system of visas, the process of candidate selection for intelligence services (e.g. the American) began in embassies. In the 1980s, the activity of the foreign intelligence services concentrated on the specific political situation in Poland, i.e. the growing significance of the “Solidarity” social movement. 3) The specificity of the American intelligence activity against Poland was related to the composition of the residency staff, which was the largest in comparison to other Western countries. The wide range of these activities can be proved by the quantitative data of convictions for espionage in the years 1944-1984 (however, one has to bear in mind the factors mentioned earlier in the text, which led to the misinterpretation of these data). Analysing the data and the documents prepared by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, one should treat them with caution, as, frequently, the Polish counter-intelligence service used to classify the ordinary diplomatic practice and any contacts with foreigners as espionage threats. It is clearly visible in the language of the training materials concerned with “secret service methods of the intelligence activity” as well as in the documents on operational activities of the Security Service in relation to foreigners. The level of interest the USA had in Poland was mirrored in the classification of diplomatic posts, according to which Warsaw occupied the second place (the so-called Group “B”) on the three-point scale. The CIA experienced spectacular defeats during their activity in Poland: supporting the Polish underground anti-communist organisation Freedom and Independence and the so-called Munich-Berg episode (both cases took place in the 1950s). The text focuses only on selected issues related to the espionage activities against Poland. Similarly, the analysis of the problem has been based on selected sources, which has limited the research scope - however, it was not the aim of the author to present the espionage activity against Poland in a comprehensive way. In order to assess the real threat posed by the espionage activity, one should analyse the case of persons convicted for espionage in the period 1944-1989, as the available quantitative data, mentioned in the text, cannot constitute an explicit benchmark for the scale of espionage activity. The inaccuracies in the interpretation of data and variables, which can affect the evaluation of this phenomenon, have been pointed out in the text.