970 resultados para global justice


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Amartya Sen’s capability approach is, on the one hand, in line with universalism such as exhibited in Martha Nussbaum’s capabilities approach and Len Doyal and Ian Gough’s human need theory. On the other hand, his approach puts priority on people’s “self-evaluation” of capabilities and needs. The latter emphasis makes his approach distinctly sensitive to people’s differences such as gender, ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation, etc.. One could ask, however, how successfully the former commitment to universalism relates to this latter feature that places importance on taking difference seriously. This question is especially relevant with respect to global justice and gender, for example. To offer a potential answers to this question is main goal of this paper.

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L’état actuel des travaux ne rend pas compte de l’ampleur des questions philosophiques et des enjeux moraux suscités par l’apparition sur la scène internationale des réfugiés climatiques. Il est pourtant urgent de leur accorder une protection à travers des accords internationaux. Les philosophes qui se sont penchés sur le sujet ont été induits en erreur tant par la multiplicité des termes employés que leur absence de définitions. Ce travail critique la tendance actuelle des militants écologistes à vouloir englober des populations aux problèmes divers sous le terme de réfugié. Banaliser l’emploi du terme de réfugié n’est pas seulement fallacieux mais également dangereux. A terme, les militants se tourneront vers la Convention de Genève pour revendiquer que les populations déplacées soient considérées comme des réfugiés. Or la Convention de Genève n’est pas un outil adéquat pour remédier au sort de ces populations. De plus, on ne peut élargir le statut de réfugié pour inclure ces populations sans risquer de perdre sa crédibilité et son efficience. Suivre la pente qu’emprunte les militants nous mènerait à accorder le même traitement aux réfugiés climatiques et aux réfugiés politiques, ce qui est une erreur. Notre hypothèse est que les habitants des petits pays insulaires à l’inverse des autres populations ont besoin d’un élargissement de la Convention de Genève. Nous arguerons que nous avons des devoirs et des responsabilités envers eux que nous n’avons pas envers les réfugiés politiques. Pour défendre ce point de vue, il faut définir clairement ce qu’est un réfugié climatique et justifier cette appellation. Nous devrons donc confronter la notion de réfugié climatique à d’autres notions concurrentes. Une fois les termes définis, nous envisagerons les enjeux éthiques à travers le prisme des questions de justice globale. Nous verrons que pour déterminer qui devrait remédier au sort des réfugiés climatique, il ne suffit pas de se référer à la responsabilité causale. Cela nous mènera à arguer que bien que séduisant, le principe pollueur-payeur n’est pas un outil adéquat pour guider la réflexion. Nous serons également amenés à nous interroger sur la pertinence d’une institution environnementale globale.

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Les cas d’entreprises touchées par des scandales financiers, environnementaux ou concernant des conditions de travail abusives imposées à leur main-d’œuvre, n’ont cessé de jalonner l’actualité ces vingt dernières années. La multiplication des comportements à l’origine de ces scandales s’explique par l’environnement moins contraignant, que leur ont offert les politiques de privatisation, dérégulation et libéralisation, amorcées à partir des années 1980. Le développement de la notion de responsabilité sociale des entreprises à partir des années 1980, en réaction à ces excès, incarne l'idée que si une entreprise doit certes faire des profits et les pérenniser elle se doit de les réaliser en favorisant les comportements responsables, éthiques et transparents avec toutes ses parties prenantes. Nous analysons dans cette thèse le processus par lequel, face à des dysfonctionnements et abus, touchant les conditions de travail de leur main d’œuvre ou leur gouvernance, des entreprises peuvent être amenées, ou non, à questionner et modifier leurs pratiques. Nous avons axé notre étude de cas sur deux entreprises aux trajectoires diamétralement opposées. La première entreprise, issue du secteur de la fabrication de vêtements et dont la crise concernait des atteintes aux droits des travailleurs, a surmonté la crise en réformant son modèle de production. La seconde entreprise, située dans le secteur des technologies de l'information et de la communication, a fait face à une crise liée à sa gouvernance d’entreprise, multiplié les dysfonctionnements pendant dix années de crises et finalement déclaré faillite en janvier 2009. Les évolutions théoriques du courant néo-institutionnel ces dernières années, permettent d’éclairer le processus par lequel de nouvelles normes émergent et se diffusent, en soulignant le rôle de différents acteurs, qui pour les uns, définissent de nouvelles normes et pour d’autres se mobilisent en vue de les diffuser. Afin d’augmenter leur efficacité à l’échelle mondiale, il apparaît que ces acteurs agissent le plus souvent en réseaux, parfois concurrents. L’étude du cas de cette compagnie du secteur de la confection de vêtement nous a permis d’aborder le domaine lié aux conditions de travail de travailleurs œuvrant au sein de chaînes de production délocalisées dans des pays aux lois sociales absentes ou inefficaces. Nous avons analysé le cheminement par lequel cette entreprise fut amenée à considérer, avec plus de rigueur, la dimension éthique dans sa chaîne de production. L’entreprise, en passant par différentes étapes prenant la forme d’un processus d’apprentissage organisationnel, a réussi à surmonter la crise en réformant ses pratiques. Il est apparu que ce processus ne fut pas spontané et qu’il fut réalisé suite aux rôles joués par deux types d’acteurs. Premièrement, par la mobilisation incessante des mouvements de justice globale afin que l’entreprise réforme ses pratiques. Et deuxièmement, par le cadre normatif et le lieu de dialogue entre les différentes parties prenantes, fournis par un organisme privé source de normes. C’est fondamentalement le risque de perdre son accréditation à la cet organisme qui a poussé l’entreprise à engager des réformes. L’entreprise est parvenue à surmonter la crise, certes en adoptant et en respectant les normes définies par cette organisation mais fondamentalement en modifiant sa culture d'entreprise. Le leadership du CEO et du CFO a en effet permis la création d'une culture d'entreprise favorisant la remise en question, le dialogue et une plus grande prise en considération des parties prenantes, même si la gestion locale ne va pas sans poser parfois des difficultés de mise en œuvre. Concernant le domaine de la gouvernance d’entreprise, nous mettons en évidence, à travers l’étude des facteurs ayant mené au déclin et à la faillite d’une entreprise phare du secteur des technologies de l’information et de la communication, les limites des normes en la matière comme outil de bonne gouvernance. La légalité de la gestion comptable et la conformité de l’entreprise aux normes de gouvernance n'ont pas empêché l’apparition et la multiplication de dysfonctionnements et abus stratégiques et éthiques. Incapable de se servir des multiples crises auxquelles elle a fait face pour se remettre en question et engager un apprentissage organisationnel profond, l'entreprise s'est focalisée de manière obsessionnelle sur la rentabilité à court terme et la recherche d'un titre boursier élevé. La direction et le conseil d'administration ont manqué de leadership afin de créer une culture d'entreprise alliant innovation technologique et communication honnête et transparente avec les parties prenantes. Alors que l'étude consacrée à l’entreprise du secteur de la confection de vêtement illustre le cas d'une entreprise qui a su, par le biais d'un changement stratégique, relever les défis que lui imposait son environnement, l'étude des quinze dernières années de la compagnie issue du secteur des technologies de l’information et de la communication témoigne de la situation inverse. Il apparaît sur base de ces deux cas que si une gouvernance favorisant l'éthique et la transparence envers les parties prenantes nécessite la création d'une culture d'entreprise valorisant ces éléments, elle doit impérativement soutenir et être associée à une stratégie adéquate afin que l'entreprise puisse pérenniser ses activités.

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Social Movements are decentralising in the modern world. Web 2.0 has driven latency structures in social movements, and made activism more personal than ever before, but it has also introduced the concept of slacktivism. Micro-Macro relationships are becoming important theoretical frameworks for Social Movement research on the Web - has the Global Justice Movement of 1999 become Global Justice Networks in 2013?

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Se analiza la relación entre movimientos sociales y nuevos medios en Colombia, preguntando en particular por las posibilidades narrativas que tienen los movimientos sociales en el nuevo espacio comunicativo abierto por internet. Para ello, se lleva a cabo un estudio descriptivo del relato elaborado en la red social Twitter por activistas virtuales del movimiento de indignación surgido en Bogotá tras la destitución del alcalde mayor, Gustavo Petro, a finales de 2013. Se encontró que Twitter fue un espacio esencialmente de disputa. El relato del movimiento fue construido en permanente contrapunteo no solo con las informaciones de los medios de comunicación tradicionales y las intervenciones de los líderes políticos, sino también con expresiones ciudadanas rivales, que se movilizaron paralelamente en la misma red social en un ejercicio de contestación. Esta investigación emplea como marco analítico la “autocomunicación de masas” propuesta por Manuel Castells.

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Crowd-pulling names or energetic activists? On symbolic capital as a power resource in the local organizational work within the global justice movement The article explores the global emergence of local Social Forums by means of an ethnographic study of the organization of the Stockholm Social Forum. In international academic debate, the forums are often discussed as a “globalization from below” and a new deliberative democratic process. However, empirical research on the organizational process, and its power relations, has been very limited. The theoretical concept symbolic capital (Bourdieu) and concepts from conversation analysis (CA) are used to analyze how power in terms of priority of interpretation is constructed in conversations between activists with differing political backgrounds. A detailed empirical analysis is based on the case of an internal discussion about inviting keynote speakers to the local forum. The results show how transnational networks and specific knowledge about the global social forum process became symbolic capital in the organizational process. Holders of this specific form of symbolic capital gained priority of interpretation in the internal discussions. This had an impact on the practical outcome of the organizational process in terms of the symbolic framing of the Social Forum. It is argued that the social forum process produces specific forms of cultural distinctions, social hierarchies and patterns of exclusion.

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The article explores the implications of major social transformation in Asia for Europe. It specifically addresses expressions of cosmopolitan engagement between transnational organizations representing Asia and Europe. Within Asia, there is some evidence to indicate that cosmopolitanism is becoming a significant factor in culture and in politics, as is illustrated by increasing transnational cooperation within Asia and the dilution of national interests. A major question is whether such forms of cooperation will play a significant role in Asia's relation to Europe and whether as a consequence European—Asian relations will develop in a direction congruent with cosmopolitan principles. The thesis of the article is that if its momentum continues to develop, cosmopolitan relations and normative regionalism in Asia and Europe are significant factors in reshaping the world and transregional order, and that critical cosmopolitanism can be an alternative to nationalism and to narrowly defined globalization.

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An application of the social theory of Axel Honneth to global justice, arguing that development goals must include provision for the intersubjective recognition required for identity formation. In the disciplines of Political Philosophy and International Relations cosmopolitanism is often defined as the view that all people, no matter their national, ethnic or religious backgrounds and no matter what their gender, have an equal moral status. The most telling enunciation of this view is the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, the focus that is given to rights and a global form of legal equality by this document and by such theorists as John Rawls is not rich enough to capture all of the ethical demands that global society places upon well-to-do Westerners and developed nations. This paper makes use of a thesis by Axel Honneth to the effect that political thinking needs “a basic conceptual shift to the normative premises of a theory of recognition that locates the core of all experiences of injustice in the withdrawal of social recognition, in the phenomena of humiliation and disrespect.” Honneth identifies three spheres of recognition in modern societies: love, law, and achievement. I offer some exposition of his theory and then argue that global justice must be understood to embrace the substantive ethical values that arise in these three spheres as well as the procedural standards of moral rightness that belongs to the second of them. Such an expanded conception of global justice will yield an enriched conception of cosmopolitanism.

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As evidenced by the reactions to Martha Nussbaum’s famous essay of 1996, patriotism is a contested notion in moral debate. This paper explores the suggestion made by Stephen Nathanson that patriotism might be understood as “love of one’s country”, and suggests that this phrase is misleading. It suggests that patriotism, like love, is not rational, and it fails to distinguish two kinds of object for that love: one’s cultural community and one’s political community. Accordingly, this phrase can lead to a kind of nationalism which involves chauvinism and militarism and that is, therefore, morally objectionable. The problem arises from ambiguities in the notion of “country” which is said to be the object of such love. Moreover, “love” is not the appropriate term for a relationship whose central psychological function is that of establishing an individual’s identity as a citizen. I suggest that the proper mode of attachment involved in patriotism is identification with one’s political community, and that the proper object of a patriot’s allegiance is the political community thought of without the emotional, nationalistic and moralistic connotations that often accompany the concept of community. The “political patriotism” that arises from such an attitude is sceptical of “the national interest” and does not accept that our moral responsibilities to others stop at national borders. In this way political patriotism is consistent with a cosmopolitan stance towards human rights and global justice.

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This text aims to present the challenges and opportunities of omnilateral formation in Latin America as elaborated in Villela (2009-2010). This work has the horizon systematize the educational practices of the “Third World “, i.e. originating from the educational experience of Latin America, Africa and Asia. In the struggle for emancipation, these countries have built and are building unique educational practices. In this sense, we start questioning the historical and theoretical topic, omnilateral formation, and deployment, we discuss the Latin American school and omnilateral formation. We question specifically issues relating to intellectual and educational organization working in the “field schools” in Cuba (1960-1975). The issue of “intellectual and organizational culture”, in a Gramscian perspective (Gramsci, 2000), was addressed in several papers throughout our academic career (Villela, 2003, 2008, 2009-2010). In order to further these issues, we address the challenges of formation for children and rural youth in Latin America. By analyzing the educational practices in the education field, emerges the theme of contemporary global justice.

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This text aims to present the challenges and opportunities of omnilateral formation as elaborated in Villela (2009-2010). This work has the horizon systematize the educational practices originating from the educational experience of Brasil and Cuba. In the struggle for emancipation, these countries have built and are building unique educational practices. In this sense, we start questioning the historical and theoretical topic, omnilateral formation, and deployment, we discuss school and omnilateral formation. We question specifically issues relating to intellectual and educational organization working in the field schools in Cuba (1960-1975). The issue of intellectual and organizational culture, in a Gramscian perspective (Gramsci, 2000), was addressed in several papers throughout our academic career (Villela, 2003, 2008, 2009). In order to further these issues, we address the challenges of formation for children and rural youth in Latin America. By analyzing the educational practices in the education field, emerges the theme of contemporary global justice.

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This text aims to present the challenges and opportunities of omnilateral formation in Latin America as elaborated in Villela (2009-2010). This work has the horizon systematize the educational practices of the "Third World ", i.e. originating from the educational experience of Latin America, Africa and Asia. In the struggle for emancipation, these countries have built and are building unique educational practices. In this sense, we start questioning the historical and theoretical topic, omnilateral formation, and deployment, we discuss the Latin American school and omnilateral formation. We question specifically issues relating to “intellectuals and the organization of culture” in "schools in the countryside" in Cuba (1960- 1975). The issue of "intellectuals and the organization of culture", in a gramscian perspective (GRAMSCI, 2000), was addressed in several works throughout our academic career (VILLELA, 2003; 2008; 2009-2010). In order to further these issues, we address the challenges of formation for children and youth of the field in Latin America. By analyzing the educational practices in the schools in the countryside, emerges the theme of contemporary global justice.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Life expectancy at birth is the average number of years that a group of people born in the same year should live. The estimate for those born in 2010 is 80.2 years for Italy. On the other side of the chart are a number of countries in sub Saharan Africa. Haiti is in last place: children born in this country in 2010 have a life expectancy by an average of even 30 years, fifty in less than peers born in Italy. From a bioethical point of view, the first question that arises is: Is it right? Is it right that there is such inequality in health? The answer is simple: it is not right. But if we ask ourselves what are the best solution to remedy this situation, the answers become more than one. The differences in life expectancy depends on many factors, including no doubt the effectiveness of health systems. The scope of this work is precisely that of justice in health care and how the different general concepts related to it can be applied in health care settings with very limited financial and human resources. The first chapter describes the main inequalities in global health. The second discusses the main theories of justice. In the next chapter we reason on official development assistance and health cooperation. In the fourth we analyze the contribution of theories of justice through such issues as equity in health, the right of access to health services and right to health. In the fifth chapter the aim is to reason about global justice, the role of health in this context and how the official development assistance in health can contribute.

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Riconosciuto il problema dell’accesso ai farmaci come un problema di giustizia globale, la dissertazione, da un lato, è incentrata sullo studio dei diritti umani e sul diritto alla salute da una prospettiva giusfilosofica e, dall’altro, è finalizzata ad analizzare la disciplina brevettuale internazionale, sia approfondendo gli interessi realmente in gioco, sia studiando la struttura economica del brevetto stesso. Si è cercato quindi di guardare a tali interessi da una nuova prospettiva, ipotizzando una gerarchia di valori che sia completa e coerente con gli obiettivi che la dottrina, la giurisprudenza, nonché il diritto internazionale formalmente enunciano. Il progetto di ricerca vuole, in definitiva, arrivare a proporre nuove soluzioni giuridiche al problema dell’accesso ai farmaci. La dissertazione svolge pertanto uno studio critico della proposta di Thomas Pogge, di natura politica e giuridica e sorretta da istanze filosofiche, volta alla soluzione del problema dell’accesso ai farmaci, i.e. l’Health Impact Fund (HIF). Proposta che pone radicalmente in discussione, anche concretamente, il dogma del monopolio concesso con la privativa quale ricompensa per i costi di R&D sostenuti dai titolari dei brevetti e che pone, invece, l’accento sull’effettivo impatto sulla salute globale di ogni singola invenzione. Analizzandone approfonditamente gli aspetti più rilevanti, si passano poi in rassegna, criticamente, le proposte, alternative o di riforma, del sistema di proprietà intellettuale, volte al miglioramento dell’accesso ai farmaci; a tal proposito, si propone quindi una riforma transitoria della disciplina brevettuale, c.d. Trading Time for Space (TTS), che prevede un allungamento temporale dell’esclusiva brevettuale (Time) in cambio della vendita da parte del titolare della privativa del farmaco ad un prezzo accessibile nei Paesi in via di sviluppo (Space).