Trade and co-operation in the EU-MERCOSUL free trade agreement

Rio de Janeiro

The EU-Mercosul free trade agreement: Quantifying mutual gains

We identify trade in goods opportunities in a EU-Mercosul free trade area. Gains for Mercosul are rather concentrated, being mostly associated to a few agricultural commodities nowadays facing high protection barriers. EU gains are evenly spread, comprising a variety of market penetration possibilities. Trade deviation by the EU products is never higher than trade creation, confirming their international competitiveness and signalling that a great distortion of Mercosul’s imports won’t take place. Balanced gains exist for both sides; for Mercosul, the agreement can act as a first serious trial for future liberalisations with other developed partners, and as a warning on needed competitiveness improvements.

The Free Trade Area of the Americas : positive outcomes for Brazil and the global community

This document discusses Brazil and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). Since the FTAA is only a proposed agreement and trade apparatus at the moment, NAFTA is used as a working model and its influence on and benefit for Mexico and that country’s economy.

Rent dissipation, political viability and the strategic adoption of free trade agreements

This paper studies the political viability of free trade agreements (FTAs). The key element of the analysis is the “rent dissipation” that these arrangements induce: by eliminating intra-bloc trade barriers, an FTA reduces the incentives of the local firms to lobby for higher external tariffs, thereby causing a reduction of the rents created in the lobbying process. The prospect of rent dissipation moderates the governments’ willingness to participate in FTAs; they will support only arrangements that are “substantially” welfare improving, and no FTA that reduces welfare. Rent dissipation also implies that the prospects of political turnover may create strategic reasons for the formation of FTAs. Specifically, a government facing a high enough probability of losing power may want to form a trade bloc simply to “tie the hands” of its successor. An FTA can affect the likelihood of political turnover as well. If the incumbent party has a known bias toward special interests, it may want to commit to less distortionary policies in order to reduce its electoral disadvantage; the rent dissipation effect ensures that an FTA can serve as the vehicle for such a commitment. In nascent/unstable democracies, the incumbent government can use a free trade agreement also to reduce the likelihood of a dictatorial takeover and to “consolidate” democracy – a finding that is consistent with the timing of numerous accessions to and formations of preferential arrangements.

A Western Hemisphere free trade area: implications for Latin America

Includes bibliography

North-South trade relations in the Americas: the case for free trade

Includes bibliography

The North American Free Trade Agreement: hemispheric and geopolitical implications

Includes bibliography

Is a genuine partnership possible in a Western Hemisphere free trade area?

Includes bibliography

Beyond NAFTA: employment, growth, and income-distribution effects of a Western Hemisphere free trade area

Includes bibliography

Western Hemisphere free trade: getting from here to there

Includes bibliography

Evaluation of a Chile-US Free Trade Agreement

Includes bibliography

Quantitative assessment of a free trade agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union

Incluye Bibliografía

Status of agrifood regulatory coordination under the North American Free Trade Agreement

Includes bibliography

Antidumping and countervailing duties in a Western Hemispheric free trade agreement

Includes bibliography