994 resultados para first president


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El artículo analiza el crimen político durante las primeras décadas de vida de la República del Ecuador. Específicamente centra su estudio en el período dominado por la figura de Juan José Flores, primer presidente del Ecuador. La inestabilidad política, la precariedad de las alianzas entre las élites regionales, la crisis económica generada por las guerras de independencia, las conspiraciones y la violencia que caracterizaron al período de surgimiento de las repúblicas andinas hicieron del crimen político un “vicio de nacimiento”. El asesinato del general Antonio José de Sucre, la muerte de los miembros de la sociedad El Quiteño Libre, el homicidio de Juan Otamendi, entre otros, hicieron patente esta característica.

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Otto Klitgord (second from left) is pictured with other guests at the Hotel St. George, site of the February 1952 commencement ceremony of the college. Otto Klitgord was the first president of the New York City College of Technology. He was named director of the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences when it was formed in the 1946 and became president in the 1950s when the administration was reorganized. Klitgord served until 1960, making his tenure as president the longest in City Tech's history.

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Otto Klitogord (left) is depicted awarding the Hon. Andrew Clauson (right) with membership in TPS - June 26, 1952. Otto Klitgord was the first president of the New York City College of Technology. He was named director of the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences when it was formed in the 1946 and became president in the 1950s when the administration was reorganized. Klitgord served until 1960, making his tenure as president the longest in City Tech's history.

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Otto Klitgord (left) and Lawrence Jarvie (right) are pictured at a college dinner. Otto Klitgord was the first president of the New York City College of Technology. He was named director of the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences when it was formed in the 1946 and became president in the 1950s when the administration was reorganized. Klitgord served until 1960, making his tenure as president the longest in City Tech's history.

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Otto Klitgord is presiding over the May 24, 1951 commencement ceremony of the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences held in Carnegie Hall. Otto Klitgord was the first president of the New York City College of Technology. He was named director of the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences when it was formed in the 1946 and became president in the 1950s when the administration was reorganized. Klitgord served until 1960, making his tenure as president the longest in City Tech's history.

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Otto Klitgord is depicted giving Benjamin H. Namm, chairman of the college's Board of Trustees a degree. Otto Klitgord was the first president of the New York City College of Technology. He was named director of the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences when it was formed in the 1946 and became president in the 1950s when the administration was reorganized. Klitgord served until 1960, making his tenure as president the longest in City Tech's history.

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This photo shows Otto Klitgord speaking at a college event. Otto Klitgord was the first president of the New York City College of Technology. He was named director of the New York State Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences when it was formed in the 1946 and became president in the 1950s when the administration was reorganized. Klitgord served until 1960, making his tenure as president the longest in City Tech's history.

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This collection consists of black and white photographs autographed by the entertainers who performed at Winthrop College as part of the institution’s Artist Series program, a photograph of the Winthrop College Poetry Society including Dr. David B. Johnson, founder and first president of Winthrop, and photographs of Walter B. Roberts and other Winthrop College Professors as well as visiting instructors from Julliard School of Music. Artists include Jasha Heifetz, Jan Peerce, Will Rogers, Arthur Rubenstein, Risë Stevens, Vienna Choir Boys and many others.

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The David Bancroft Johnson Travel Journals Collection consists of a diary of a trip taken by David Bancroft Johnson, Founder and First President of Winthrop, to Belgium, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, France, England, and Scotland during October- December 1908. The journals contains descriptions of areas visited, social life and customs. Also included is a description of his trip to Denver, Colorado in July 1909 in which he describes the area and its people.

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The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.

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Introduction : Before 1998, no one could think about the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. The 1945 Constitution was a product of nationalist who had hard fought for independence from the Dutch colonization. This historical background made it the symbol of independence of the Indonesian nation. Thus, it has been considered as forbidden to touch contents of the 1945 Constitution whereas political leaders have legitimized their authoritarian rulership by utilizing a symbolic character of the Constitution. With the largest political turmoil since its independence, that is, a breakdown of authoritarian regime and democratic transformation in 1998-1999, however, a myth of the "sacred and inviolable" constitution has disappeared. A new theme has then aroused: how can the 1945 Constitution be adapted for a new democratic regime in Indonesia?    The Indonesian modern state has applied the 1945 Constitution as the basic law since its independence in 1945, except for around 10 years in the 1950s. In the period of independence struggle, contrary to the constitutional provision that a kind of presidential system is employed, a cabinet responsible for the Central National Committee was installed. Politics under this institution was in practice a parliamentary system of government. After the Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949, West European constitutionalism and party politics under a parliamentary system was fully adopted with the introduction of two new constitutions: the 1949 Constitution of Federal Republic of Indonesia and the 1950 Provisional Constitution of Republic of Indonesia. Since a return from the 1950 Constitution to the 1945 Constitution was decided with the Presidential Decree in 1959, the 1945 Constitution had supported two authoritarian regimes of Soekarno's "Guided Democracy" and Soeharto's "New Order" as a legal base. When the 32-year Soeharto's government fell down and democratization started in 1998, the 1945 Constitution was not replaced with a new one, as seen in many other democratizing countries, but successively reformed to adapt itself to a new democratic regime. In the result of four constitutional amendments in 1999-2002, political institutions in Indonesia are experiencing a transformation from an authoritative structure, in which the executive branch monopolized power along with incompetent legislative and judicial branches, to a modern democratic structure, in which the legislative branch can maintain predominance over the executive. However, as observed that President Abdurrahman Wahid, the first president ever elected democratically in Indonesian history, was impeached after one and a half years in office, democratic politics under a new political institution has never been stable.    Under the 1945 Constitution, how did authoritarian regimes maintain stability? Why can a democratic regime not achieve its stability? What did the two constitutional amendments in the process of democratization change? In the first place, how did the political institutions stipulated by the 1945 Constitution come out? Through answering the above questions, this chapter intends to survey the historical continuity and change of political institutions in Indonesia along with the 1945 Constitutions and to analyze impact of regime transformation on political institutions. First, we examine political institutions stipulated by the original 1945 Constitution as well as historical and philosophical origins of the constitution. Second, we search constitutional foundations in the 1945 Constitution that made it possible for Soekarno and Soeharto to establish and maintain authoritarian regimes. Third, we examine contents of constitutional amendments in the process of democratization since 1998. Fourth, we analyze new political dynamics caused by constitutional changes, looking at the impeachment process of President Abdurrahman Wahid. Finally, we consider tasks faced by Indonesia that seeks to establish a stable democracy.

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Josephine Silone Yates was very active at Lincoln University during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. She was one of Lincoln University’s best known teachers during this time and was the first woman elected to a professorship with the university. Yates served Lincoln University as the Head of the Department of Natural Science from 1879- 1889 and Head of the Department of English and History from 1902- 1910. Josephine Silone Yates was also very active outside of Lincoln University being elected the first president of the Kansas City Women’s League, which was a women’s club that she helped organize in 1893. She also contributed under the pseudonym R.K. Porter to the Boston Herald and the Los Angeles Herald. Yates was involved with and contributed greatly to the National Association of Colored Women’s Club serving as Vice President from 1887- 1889, Treasurer from 1889- 1900, and President from 1901- 1906.

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Estudo sobre a história política do primeiro presidente do Brasil, Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca, na ótica da propaganda política. Os objetivos foram resgatar os materiais de propaganda utilizados pelo movimento republicano que culminou com a Proclamação da República chefiada por Deodoro em 15 de novembro de 1889. Posteriormente, compreender o processo eleitoral ao qual o generalíssimo foi escolhido presidente pelos congressistas, por meio do voto indireto, no dia 25 de fevereiro de 1891. A metodologia adotada foi a Pesquisa Histórica enfatizando o estudo bibliográfico e documental. Também foram descritas as charges publicadas na Revista Illustrada no Governo Provisório, a cobertura do jornal O País na eleição presidencial e o cenário de censura na imprensa da época. Na conclusão consta que Deodoro não fez campanha eleitoral. Nem precisou, pois caso não fosse eleito, o Exército o proclamaria ditador. No entanto, os deodoristas convenceram os deputados e senadores a votarem no marechal. Já, a oposição fez campanha política lançando edição extra de jornal, espalhando cartazes pela Capital Federal e aprovando moções de repúdio à candidatura da situação. Essa eleição foi simplesmente uma formalidade para manter Deodoro no cargo mais importante do país. (AU)

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Estudo sobre a história política do primeiro presidente do Brasil, Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca, na ótica da propaganda política. Os objetivos foram resgatar os materiais de propaganda utilizados pelo movimento republicano que culminou com a Proclamação da República chefiada por Deodoro em 15 de novembro de 1889. Posteriormente, compreender o processo eleitoral ao qual o generalíssimo foi escolhido presidente pelos congressistas, por meio do voto indireto, no dia 25 de fevereiro de 1891. A metodologia adotada foi a Pesquisa Histórica enfatizando o estudo bibliográfico e documental. Também foram descritas as charges publicadas na Revista Illustrada no Governo Provisório, a cobertura do jornal O País na eleição presidencial e o cenário de censura na imprensa da época. Na conclusão consta que Deodoro não fez campanha eleitoral. Nem precisou, pois caso não fosse eleito, o Exército o proclamaria ditador. No entanto, os deodoristas convenceram os deputados e senadores a votarem no marechal. Já, a oposição fez campanha política lançando edição extra de jornal, espalhando cartazes pela Capital Federal e aprovando moções de repúdio à candidatura da situação. Essa eleição foi simplesmente uma formalidade para manter Deodoro no cargo mais importante do país. (AU)