The handbook on interstate crime control.

Mode of access: Internet.

Correspondence between the Governor of New York and the Executive of Virginia.

A correspondence with H.L. Hopkins, Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia in 1839., and with J.W. Gilmer, Governor of Virginia in 1840, concerning the extradition of three colored men from New York State charged with stealing a negro slave in Virginia.

Illicit interest groups: The political impact of the Medellin drug trafficking organizations in Colombia

Although drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) exist and have an effect on health, crime, economies, and politics, little research has explored these entities as political organizations. Legal interest groups and movements have been found to influence domestic and international politics because they operate within legal parameters. Illicit groups, such as DTOs, have rarely been accounted for—especially in the literature on interest groups—though they play a measurable role in affecting domestic and international politics in similar ways. Using an interest group model, this dissertation analyzed DTOs as illicit interest groups (IIGs) to explain their political influence. The analysis included a study of group formation, development, and demise that examined IIG motivation, organization, and policy impact. The data for the study drew from primary and secondary sources, which include interviews with former DTO members and government officials, government documents, journalistic accounts, memoirs, and academic research. To illustrate the interest group model, the study examined Medellin-based DTO leaders, popularly known as the "Medellin Cartel." In particular, the study focused on the external factors that gave rise to DTOs in Colombia and how Medellin DTOs reacted to the implementation of counternarcotics efforts. The discussion was framed by the implementation of the 1979 Extradition Treaty negotiated between Colombia and the United States. The treaty was significant because as drug trafficking became the principal bilateral issue in the 1980s; extradition became a major method of combating the illicit drug business. The study's findings suggested that Medellin DTO leaders had a one-issue agenda and used a variety of political strategies to influence public opinion and all three branches of government—the judicial, the legislative, and the executive—in an effort to invalidate the 1979 Extradition Treaty. The changes in the life cycle of the 1979 Extradition Treaty correlated with changes in the political power of Medellin-based DTOs vis-à-vis the Colombian government, and international forces such as the U.S. government's push for tougher counternarcotics efforts.

Innovating from the War Economy: Formal, Informal, and Illicit Economic Activities of the Military in Colombia

Over the last decade, the Colombian military has successfully rolled back insurgent groups, cleared and secured conflict zones, and enabled the extraction of oil and other key commodity exports. As a result, official policies of both the Uribe and Santos governments have promoted the armed forces to participate to an unprecedented extent in economic activities intended to consolidate the gains of the 2000s. These include formal involvement in the economy, streamlined in a consortium of military enterprises and social foundations that are intended to put the Colombian defense sector “on the map” nationally and internationally, and informal involvement expanded mainly through new civic action development projects intended to consolidate the security gains of the 2000s. However, failure to roll back paramilitary groups other than through the voluntary amnesty program of 2005 has facilitated the persistence of illicit collusion by military forces with reconstituted “neoparamilitary” drug trafficking groups. It is therefore crucially important to enhance oversight mechanisms and create substantial penalties for collusion with illegal armed groups. This is particularly important if Colombia intends to continue its new practice of exporting its security model to other countries in the region. The Santos government has initiated several promising reforms to enhance state capacity, institutional transparence, and accountability of public officials to the rule of law, which are crucial to locking in security gains and revitalizing democratic politics. Efforts to diminish opportunities for illicit association between the armed forces and criminal groups should complement that agenda, including the following: Champion breaking existing ties between the military and paramilitary successor groups through creative policies involving a mixture of punishments and rewards directed at the military; Investigation and extradition proceedings of drug traffickers, probe all possible ties, including as a matter of course the possibility of Colombian military collaboration. Doing so rigorously may have an important effect deterring military collusion with criminal groups. Establish and enforce zero-tolerance policies at all military ranks regarding collusion with criminal groups; Reward military units that are effective and also avoid corruption and criminal ties by providing them with enhanced resources and recognition; Rely on the military for civic action and development assistance as minimally as possible in order to build long-term civilian public sector capacity and to reduce opportunities for routine exposure of military forces to criminal groups circulating in local populations.

A Expulsão, Extradição e Direito de Asilo em Portugal como Membro da União Europeia e o Direito dos Refugiados e de Asilo no Extremo Oriente: os casos do Japão e da China - Efectividade do Direito Público e Limitações da Intervenção Estatal;

1 – Resumo: as questões da expulsão, extradição e direito de asilo são tratadas de modo muito diverso no mundo; assim como o direito dos refugiados. Existem nomeadamente grandes diferenças no que concerne ao Ocidente e Oriente mundiais. Esta pesquisa compara um típico país da União Europeia, Portugal, com dois exemplos asiáticos: a China e o Japão. Vê-se que não só as leis são bastante diferentes, mas que o que talvez mais difira a nível mundial seja a restritividade da sua aplicação prática.§ 1.1 Abstract: the issues of expulsion, extradition and asylum are treated very differently in the world, as well as the right of refugees. In particular, there are large differences between the Western and the Eastern hemispheres. This study compares a typical country of the European Union, Portugal, with two Asian examples: China and Japan. It is shown that not only the laws are quite different, but that what possibly differs the most on a global level is the restrictivity of their practical application.

A Expulsão, Extradição e Direito de Asilo em Portugal como Membro da União Europeia e o Direito dos Refugiados e de Asilo no Extremo Oriente: os casos do Japão e da China - Efectividade do Direito Público e Limitações da Intervenção Estatal;

1 – Resumo: as questões da expulsão, extradição e direito de asilo são tratadas de modo muito diverso no mundo; assim como o direito dos refugiados. Existem nomeadamente grandes diferenças no que concerne ao Ocidente e Oriente mundiais. Esta pesquisa compara um típico país da União Europeia, Portugal, com dois exemplos asiáticos: a China e o Japão. Vê-se que não só as leis são bastante diferentes, mas que o que talvez mais difira a nível mundial seja a restritividade da sua aplicação prática. § 1.1 Abstract: the issues of expulsion, extradition and asylum are treated very differently in the world, as well as the right of refugees. In particular, there are large differences between the Western and the Eastern hemispheres. This study compares a typical country of the European Union, Portugal, with two Asian examples: China and Japan. It is shown that not only the laws are quite different, but that what possibly differs the most on a global level is the restrictivity of their practical application.