Einstellungen zur Demokratie in Kambodscha : Niveau und Determinanten der Demokratieunterstützung

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, wie stark die Unterstützung eines demokratischen politischen Systems in der kambodschanischen Bevölkerung ist und welche Faktoren auf der Mikroebene die Demokratieunterstützung in Kambodscha beeinflussen. Hierfür werden das Unterstützungsmodell von Dieter Fuchs und die Modernisierungstheorie von Seymour Lipset für die Analyse von Einstellungen in einem autoritären politischen System modifiziert und entsprechend angepasste Hypothesen [zum Einfluss der Modernisierungsfaktoren auf die Demokratieunterstützung] formuliert. Nachdem die im Datensatz vorhandenen Einzelindikatoren zu Faktoren verdichtet und Probleme des Demokratieverständnisses und der Item-Nonresponse diskutiert wurden, werden Daten der zweiten Welle der Asian Barometer Survey 2008 analysiert. Die empirischen Ergebnisse zeigen zwar, dass eine substantielle Minderheit das autoritäre Regime des Landes und seine Entscheidungsträger kritisch betrachtet, die Bindung an liberal-demokratische Werte aber eher schwach ausgeprägt ist. Bi- und multivariate Analysen deuten auf einen Einfluss von Faktoren wie Bildung, Einkommen und Wohnort hin und bestätigen somit weitgehend die Modernisierungstheorie, allerdings mit einer bedeutsamen Abweichung: Größere Zufriedenheit mit der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage führt zwar zu einer stärkeren Bindung an demokratische Werte, gleichzeitig aber auch zu einer größeren Unterstützung des autoritären Regimes und seiner Entscheidungsträger.

Development of Socio-Economic Behaviour and Attitudes of Baltic Nationalities: Perspectives for Integration with Europe

This project is the third stage of a comparative research project, The New Baltic Barometer, which was carried out simultaneously with the "New Democracies Barometer" of the Paul Lazerfeld Society (Vienna) and The Russian Barometer. It studied the opinion and behaviour of the largest Baltic ethnic groups (Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians). The main focus was on the attitudes of Baltic residents towards the changes in the economic and political system, attitudes towards political values, political trust, and attitudes to the Baltic countries joining the European Union. An analysis of macroeconomic indicators of the Baltic states made it possible to deduce the link between the country's economic development, and satisfaction with the political regime and attitudes towards democratic values. The study analysed the conditions for the democratisation of society, i.e. the development of culture and public opinion in the Baltic states. Attention was also paid to the development of a social network of individuals, showing the transition from informal networks to impersonal institutions. The group concluded that the participation of residents in formal organisations, NGOs in particular, considerably fosters political trust and also increases political efficacy. Participation in formal organisations also reduces the importance of esteem for an authoritarian leader.

米国ユダヤ人の対イスラエル観の変化と新しいロビー組織J STREETの活動

The American Jewish community as a whole still remains very much supportive of Israel's policies. Most American mainstream Jewish organizations and their leaders have hardly criticized Israel's position regarding the occupation, settlements, and the peace process. But over the last ten years or so, different views and opinions have become more visible in the American Jewish community, as represented by J Street, a "pro-Israel and pro-peace" lobby. What has brought about this diversification in the American Jewish community over their attitude toward Israel's policies? Many opinion surveys indicate that younger American Jews have become more critical of Israel's policies with regard to the Palestine question and the peace process. This may be attributed to a shift in identity among young American Jews. Older American Jews tend to see Israel as democratic, progressive and peace-seeking, etc. In addition, they perceive Israel as a safe haven for Jews. But younger Jews draw from memories and impressions scene in recent events, such as the First and Second Intifada, and the military confrontations with Palestinian groups based in Gaza, all of which are perceived as morally and politically more complex than the wars Israel fought between 1948 and 1974. Communities in the Jewish diaspora try to influence the policies of their homeland in order to protect their identity and sets of values. While the American Jewish community is still strongly committed to liberal democratic values, its counterpart in Israel has leaned toward the political right and toward ethno-religious nationalism. The diffusion of identities and sets of values in both communities may bring about further shifts in the relations between the two communities.

Educar en valores a través de programas de deporte escolar: un estudio comparado entre la “Union Nationale du Sport Scolaire” (Francia) y los “Campeonatos Escolares en los IES de la Comunidad de Madrid” (España)

El interés de las administraciones públicas por promover el deporte escolar, suele justificarse por los beneficios educativos y saludables que los escolares obtendrían de las prácticas físico-deportivas. Mas allá de concepciones neutrales o excesivamente idealizadas sobre su valor educativo, las condiciones socioculturales que lo configuran y las intervenciones pedagógicas en el terreno marcan la orientación de la educación en valores propuesta en los programas de deporte escolar. El objeto de estudio de esta tesis doctoral es comprender la educación en valores desde el punto de vista de la estructura organizativa y de los actores implicados en dos programas de deporte escolar seleccionados de países diferentes: la “Union Nationale du Sport Scolaire” (UNSS) en Francia y los “Campeonatos Escolares en los IES de la Comunidad de Madrid” (CEIESCM) en España. El diseño metodológico es un estudio comparado internacional y de corte cualitativo, donde se han analizado 66 entrevistas semiestructuradas, 28 observaciones directas, 45 documentos y el cuaderno etnográfico del investigador por medio de análisis de contenido temático apoyado con el programa NVivo 10. Los resultados aportan dos concepciones distintas de deporte escolar con repercusión en la educación en valores: la UNSS complementa valores del sistema educativo y deportivo proporcionando cauces de implicación y compromiso del alumnado en el arbitraje y la organización asociativa, mientras que en CEIESCM, eximiéndoles de esas responsabilidades, se prioriza la máxima práctica de actividad físico-deportiva reforzando o sancionando durante la misma las conductas que vayan a promover valores del juego limpio propios del deporte. La explicación de estos resultados, contextualizados en sus países respectivos, permite proyectar un eventual deporte escolar europeo basado en valores ciudadanos y democráticos que recogería la perspectiva moral, jurídica y política propuesta a partir del estudio. RÉSUMÉ L’intérêt des administrations publiques pour promouvoir le sport scolaire est souvent justifié par les bénéfices éducatifs et ceux liés à la santé que les élèves obtiendraient des pratiques physiques et sportives. Au-delà des conceptions neutres et excessivement idéalistes sur sa valeur éducative, les conditions socio-culturelles qui le configurent et les interventions pédagogiques sur le terrain marquent l’orientation de l’éducation des valeurs proposée par les programmes de sport scolaire. L’objet de cette étude est de comprendre l’éducation des valeurs du point de vue de la structure organisationnelle et des acteurs impliqués dans deux programmes de sport scolaire sélectionnés de différents pays: l’« Union Nationale du Sport Scolaire » (UNSS) en France et les « Campeonatos Escolares de los IES de la Comunidad de Madrid » (CEIESCM) en Espagne. L’approche méthodologique est une étude comparée internationale et qualitative, où l’on a analysé 66 entretiens semi-directifs, 28 observations directes, 45 documents et le carnet ethnographique du chercheur par le biais d’une analyse de contenu thématique à l’aide du programme NVivo 10. Les résultats apportent deux conceptions différentes du sport scolaire qui ont des répercussions dans l’éducation des valeurs: l’UNSS regroupe les valeurs du système éducatif et sportif en proposant aux élèves des espaces d’implication et d’engagement avec l’arbitrage et l’organisation associative, alors que les CEISCM, les exemptent de ces responsabilités et donnent la priorité au maximum d’activité physique et sportive pratiquée où l’on renforce ou sanctionne pendant son déroulement les conduites qui encourageront les valeurs de fair-play liées au sport. L’explication des résultats, contextualisée dans leurs pays respectifs, permet de projeter un éventuel sport scolaire européen basé sur des valeurs citoyennes et démocratiques qui recueillerait la perspective morale, juridique et politique proposée suite à cette étude. ABSTRACT The interest of public institutions for promoting school sports is often justified by the educational and healthy benefits that the students obtained through physical activity and sports practice. Beyond neutral or overly idealised conceptions about the educational value of sport, sociocultural conditions and pedagogical interventions shape the orientation of education in values given in school sports programs. The aim of this thesis is to understand the values education from the perspectives of the organizational structure and actors involved in two school sports programs selected from different countries: the "Union Nationale du Sport Scolaire" (UNSS) in France and the "School Championships in the IES of the Community of Madrid" (CEIESCM) in Spain. The methodology is a comparative international and qualitative study, with 66 semistructured interviews, 28 direct observations, 45 documentary resources and the ethnographic research notebook being analysed through thematic content analysis using the program NVivo 10. The results provide two different conceptions of school sport that impact on values education: on the one hand, the UNSS complements values of the educational and sports system providing channels of participation and promoting the involvement of students in refereeing and associative organization; on the other hand, CEIESCM is does not assume these responsibilities and the maximum sportive practice is prioritized reinforcing or punishing behaviours that promote sport fair play. The explanation of these results, contextualized in their respective countries, can project an eventual European school sport based on citizens and democratic values and reflect moral, legal and political perspective proposed in this study.

A judicialização da política: o poder judiciário e a definição de políticas nacionais

O papel desempenhado pelo Poder Judiciário nos mais diversos Estados passa por sensível evolução ao longo do século XX, à medida que se desenvolveram os sistemas de controle de constitucionalidade. De um lado, os atores políticos assumem especial importância nesse processo. Os modelos de revisão judicial foram reforçados, no mais das vezes, em paralelo à positivação, em âmbito constitucional, de um amplo rol de direitos fundamentais e de princípios balizadores e limitadores do poder estatal. Com isso, os elementos cotejados no processo legislativo de tomada de decisões políticas são revestidos de status constitucional e transportados para o discurso argumentativo do Direito, o que leva a um processo de judicialização da Política que permite que a atividade legiferante seja passível de confronto perante instâncias judiciárias. Os instrumentos de controle de constitucionalidade assumem, assim, novos contornos, permitindo que o Judiciário interfira no conteúdo das escolhas políticas feitas pela maioria governante. De outro lado, o Poder Judiciário particularmente as Cortes Constitucionais passa a assumir a corresponsabilidade na efetivação das metas e compromissos estatais, com o que desenvolve uma política institucional mais proativa e comprometida com a concretização substancial de valores democráticos, interferindo, assim, de maneira mais incisiva e rígida no controle do processo político. A definição de políticas fundamentais e o processo legiferante passam a contar com constante participação do Judiciário. Na realidade brasileira, a Constituição de 1988 amplia as competência do Supremo Tribunal Federal em sede de controle de constitucionalidade, inserindo o órgão de maneira efetiva nesse contexto de intervenção judicial na Política. A última década, por sua vez, marcou uma perceptível mudança em sua atividade e em sua interferência no processo de tomada de decisões políticas pelos demais Poderes. Valendo-se dos diversos instrumentos de controle que lhe são disponibilizados, assumiu o compromisso de participar na efetivação dos preceitos constitucionais pátrios mediante a revisão do conteúdo normativo decorrente das escolhas políticas tomadas em outras instâncias. Desse modo, tornou-se verdadeiro copartícipe do processo de definição de políticas legislativas nacionais, seja rechaçando normas que repute inconstitucionais, seja proferindo decisões com claros efeitos normativos que buscam readequar e conformar as escolhas dos atores políticos. Nesse processo decisório, entra em jogo a intensidade com que a Corte busca impor sua visão e suas concepções no tocante à efetivação e concretização dos compromissos constitucionais. A sobreposição de ponderações judiciais e legislativas acarreta, a seu turno, importantes efeitos sistêmicos ao diálogo interinstitucional que se desenvolve entre os Poderes, em especial no que concerne à distribuição das funções estatais dentro das premissas democráticas e ao dimensionamento do papel que compete a cada um dos Poderes no processo de efetivação e proteção da Constituição.

Why the EU must reengage with Turkey. EPC Commentary, 29 September 2014

Democratic values and basic rights in Turkey are hanging by a thread. Over the past eighteen months the rule of law, civil liberties and freedoms have been eroded which has left many Turks anxious over the direction in which their country is heading. With Turkey’s accession negotiations de facto frozen, the EU finds itself with little leverage over Ankara. Calls of concern have fallen on deaf ears as Turkey’s leadership has become increasingly belligerent, with its EU related narrative overflowing with resentment. Because Turkey’s accession negotiations are irreversibly intertwined with Turkey-EU cooperation in other areas, this has had a negative impact on the broader relationship between both sides. Recent examples include the issue of foreign fighters traveling from Europe to Syria via Turkey. Each side has accused the other of not doing enough to stem the flow. Likewise, following the decision of Russian President, Vladimir Putin, to ban the import of agricultural goods from countries that have placed sanctions on Moscow, the EU asked Turkey to demonstrate solidarity, as a “candidate country”, and not to increase exports of agricultural products to Russia. Turkey rejected this request and is reportedly working on strengthening trade ties with Moscow. Turkey remains an important partner in a number of key areas including trade, energy, foreign and security policy and migration. At a time when the EU faces crises in both its Eastern and Southern neighbourhoods, a reliable and predictable Turkey, with which it can cooperate in the Black Sea and Middle East neighbourhoods is crucial. Hence the vision and plans of the EU’s new leadership, in particular new Foreign Policy Chief, Federica Mogherini, and Commissioner for European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, Johannes Hahn, how to shape relations with Ankara is particularly significant. The Union’s current policy is counterproductive and is further eroding trust and cooperation rather than enhancing it. It needs to be turned around.

Islamist movements at crossroads: the choice between ideology and context-driven approach to politics. Case study on the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

The aim of the paper is to analyse the ongoing transformation process within the Islamist movements using the example of the moderate Islamic Action Front party in Jordan. The dilemma of participation in the 2010 general elections raised tensions between the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front, and between doves and hawks of the same organizations. Internal debate on the future has started recently among different groups within the Islamist movement in Jordan. The research is based on the author‘s recent field experience in Jordan (April–July 2010, Andrew W. Mellon Fellowship at the American Centre of Oriental Research, Amman, Jordan). The author also conducted research in Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Egypt, where several interviews were carried out with leading and lower level Islamist politicians. The dynamic changes within Islamic Action Front Party in Jordan and its relation with the regime has been used as reference point. The main question of the research was aa how the changing political and regional context shapes decisions of the Islamist with special attention to the acceptance of democratic values and human rights, political participation, and the meanings of Islamic values in the 21st century, possible cooperation with secular parties/movements/the regime.

Autoritarismes étatiques et régulation religieuse du politique en République démocratique du Congo : analyse discursive de la parole épiscopale catholique sur les élections (1990-2015)

Centrée essentiellement autour de la parole épiscopale congolaise, la présente recherche porte sur les articulations de la religion et du politique dans une perspective limitée au catholicisme en RDC. En prenant pour base empirique la ville de Kinshasa, elle thématise les effets des dynamiques religieuses sur les fermentations sociales et les changements politiques dans un contexte d’autoritarisme. Celui-ci est, dans ce travail, problématisé comme le fait conjoint de l’institution étatique et de l’organisation religieuse catholique. Le choix de cette approche relationnelle basée sur les interactions entre religion et politique, permet d’inscrire ce travail dans le champ d’études des sciences des religions. L’approche retenue s’appuie également sur les avancées de la sociologie politique et éclaire la régulation religieuse du politique, rarement étudiée par les sciences humaines. Cette recherche s’inscrit donc à l’intersection entre l’histoire, la sociologie, les sciences politiques, l’anthropologie, l’analyse du discours, la philosophie et la théologie. Sa thèse centrale est organisée autour d’une question principale : comment la religion participe-t-elle à la régulation du politique dans le contexte d’autoritarisme caractéristique de la RDC ? La réponse à cette question croise l’approche fonctionnelle de la religion et l’analyse des déclarations institutionnelles de l’épiscopat congolais. Elle esquisse les relations entre, d’une part, contextes et événements sociopolitiques et d’autre part, discours et pratiques religieuses. Elle construit la scène religieuse à partir de la trajectoire sociopolitique, économique et culturelle de la RDC entre 1990 et 2015, sous les Présidents J.-D. Mobutu, L.-D. Kabila et J. Kabila. Elle étudie l'offre normative de sens de leurs éminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou et L. Monsengwo. L’analyse de la rhétorique de l’épiscopat sur les élections vérifie la plausibilité sociale et l’efficience politique de la parole épiscopale congolaise. Elle se ressource dans la pragmatique de la communication telle que mise en œuvre dans l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et dans celle du discours politique de P. Charaudeau. En mettant la focale sur l’objet linguistique « vérité des urnes », la recherche pose au niveau normatif, juridique et éthique, le problème de l’institutionnalisation d’un État de droit en RDC. Les élaborations sur ce dernier niveau s’articulent autour de l’inscription de l’éthique dans l’agir politique. L’examen des modes conventionnels d’action des chrétiens (élections de 2006 et 2011) et non conventionnels (marche des chrétiens de 1992 et 2012) conduit à éclairer les modes de reproduction ou de contestation de l’autoritarisme étatique par l’organisation religieuse. Il permet de promouvoir une démocratie des valeurs et d’action adossée à la parrhêsia. L’introduction de l’aléthique dans la vie publique donne à voir la parole épiscopale congolaise comme un discours ethopoïétique. C’est sur ce point précis que les élaborations de M. Foucault sur la parrhêsia aident à thématiser la capacité de la religion à informer et à influencer la démocratisation de la RDC. De là, la requête formulée pour un nouveau système d’action institutionnelle de l’organisation religieuse, susceptible de promouvoir le courage de la vérité en situation autoritaire. Cette innovation permet de tenir ensemble les valeurs démocratiques et les valeurs de l’Évangile, en les corrélant à la cohérence axiologique, à la probité morale et à l’intégrité existentielle des protagonistes de la démocratisation de la RDC.

Atuação e desempenho do Ministério Público do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte no contexto da gestão pública: perspectiva estratégica

The present dissertation analyzes the performance and acting of the Rio Grande do Norte Public Ministery, in the strategic perspective, while responsible Institution for the defense of the collective rights. The comprehension of this theme inserts in a context of modernization of the public administration, in which is inserted, as well as their functional and structural changes, in a reality of innovations there is passing the organizations, looking to rescue the legitimacy of the government organizations, aligning them to the democratic values of the society. It detaches the strategic administration and the public administration and it exposes the strategic performance about the central point of the study, focusing in the development of the organization in the last four years, and other relative subjects to the acting. It is a unic case study, framed in the characteristics of the qualitative approaches - descriptive and exploratory. The analysis showed, through the method of content analysis, by the criterion of thematic categorization, that MP / RN come developing in an intense way,and it detaches that the changes already happened reflect a good strategic acting of the Institution, especially in the structural and functional areas, showing the strategic conscience of this, although that is not still enough to consider it as a strategic organization, and it concludes that there is still a lot for doing, and that the occurrence of an administration typically strategic in the extent of MP/RN is possible, with the conscience and participation of all, members and servants

Crescer a par em educação : os desafios da dupla profissionalização

Relatório de Estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Educação de Paula Frassinetti para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Pré-Escolar e Ensino do 1º Ciclo do Ensino Básico,sob Orientação de Mestre Ana Maria Ambrósio Serapicos de Borda Cardoso.

Autoritarismes étatiques et régulation religieuse du politique en République démocratique du Congo : analyse discursive de la parole épiscopale catholique sur les élections (1990-2015)

Centrée essentiellement autour de la parole épiscopale congolaise, la présente recherche porte sur les articulations de la religion et du politique dans une perspective limitée au catholicisme en RDC. En prenant pour base empirique la ville de Kinshasa, elle thématise les effets des dynamiques religieuses sur les fermentations sociales et les changements politiques dans un contexte d’autoritarisme. Celui-ci est, dans ce travail, problématisé comme le fait conjoint de l’institution étatique et de l’organisation religieuse catholique. Le choix de cette approche relationnelle basée sur les interactions entre religion et politique, permet d’inscrire ce travail dans le champ d’études des sciences des religions. L’approche retenue s’appuie également sur les avancées de la sociologie politique et éclaire la régulation religieuse du politique, rarement étudiée par les sciences humaines. Cette recherche s’inscrit donc à l’intersection entre l’histoire, la sociologie, les sciences politiques, l’anthropologie, l’analyse du discours, la philosophie et la théologie. Sa thèse centrale est organisée autour d’une question principale : comment la religion participe-t-elle à la régulation du politique dans le contexte d’autoritarisme caractéristique de la RDC ? La réponse à cette question croise l’approche fonctionnelle de la religion et l’analyse des déclarations institutionnelles de l’épiscopat congolais. Elle esquisse les relations entre, d’une part, contextes et événements sociopolitiques et d’autre part, discours et pratiques religieuses. Elle construit la scène religieuse à partir de la trajectoire sociopolitique, économique et culturelle de la RDC entre 1990 et 2015, sous les Présidents J.-D. Mobutu, L.-D. Kabila et J. Kabila. Elle étudie l'offre normative de sens de leurs éminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou et L. Monsengwo. L’analyse de la rhétorique de l’épiscopat sur les élections vérifie la plausibilité sociale et l’efficience politique de la parole épiscopale congolaise. Elle se ressource dans la pragmatique de la communication telle que mise en œuvre dans l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et dans celle du discours politique de P. Charaudeau. En mettant la focale sur l’objet linguistique « vérité des urnes », la recherche pose au niveau normatif, juridique et éthique, le problème de l’institutionnalisation d’un État de droit en RDC. Les élaborations sur ce dernier niveau s’articulent autour de l’inscription de l’éthique dans l’agir politique. L’examen des modes conventionnels d’action des chrétiens (élections de 2006 et 2011) et non conventionnels (marche des chrétiens de 1992 et 2012) conduit à éclairer les modes de reproduction ou de contestation de l’autoritarisme étatique par l’organisation religieuse. Il permet de promouvoir une démocratie des valeurs et d’action adossée à la parrhêsia. L’introduction de l’aléthique dans la vie publique donne à voir la parole épiscopale congolaise comme un discours ethopoïétique. C’est sur ce point précis que les élaborations de M. Foucault sur la parrhêsia aident à thématiser la capacité de la religion à informer et à influencer la démocratisation de la RDC. De là, la requête formulée pour un nouveau système d’action institutionnelle de l’organisation religieuse, susceptible de promouvoir le courage de la vérité en situation autoritaire. Cette innovation permet de tenir ensemble les valeurs démocratiques et les valeurs de l’Évangile, en les corrélant à la cohérence axiologique, à la probité morale et à l’intégrité existentielle des protagonistes de la démocratisation de la RDC.

Atuação e desempenho do Ministério Público do Estado do Rio Grande do Norte no contexto da gestão pública: perspectiva estratégica

The present dissertation analyzes the performance and acting of the Rio Grande do Norte Public Ministery, in the strategic perspective, while responsible Institution for the defense of the collective rights. The comprehension of this theme inserts in a context of modernization of the public administration, in which is inserted, as well as their functional and structural changes, in a reality of innovations there is passing the organizations, looking to rescue the legitimacy of the government organizations, aligning them to the democratic values of the society. It detaches the strategic administration and the public administration and it exposes the strategic performance about the central point of the study, focusing in the development of the organization in the last four years, and other relative subjects to the acting. It is a unic case study, framed in the characteristics of the qualitative approaches - descriptive and exploratory. The analysis showed, through the method of content analysis, by the criterion of thematic categorization, that MP / RN come developing in an intense way,and it detaches that the changes already happened reflect a good strategic acting of the Institution, especially in the structural and functional areas, showing the strategic conscience of this, although that is not still enough to consider it as a strategic organization, and it concludes that there is still a lot for doing, and that the occurrence of an administration typically strategic in the extent of MP/RN is possible, with the conscience and participation of all, members and servants

Family values for democratic living : a home economics course designed for high school seniors by the University of the State of New York, the State Education Department, Bureau of Home Economics, Albany.

Mode of access: Internet.

Advance Australia Fair : social democratic and conservative politicians’ discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 1972–2001

This paper reports research undertaken as part of a larger project in which we examined whether and how values and beliefs communicated by Australian politicians have shaped decades of health policy and influenced health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples of Australia. To first characterise those values and beliefs we analysed the public statements of the politicians responsible nationally for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972–2001, using critical discourse analysis. We found that four discourses, communicated through words, phrases, sentences and grammatical structures, dominated public statements over the study period. These four discourses focused on the competence and capacity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples to “manage”; matters of control of and responsibility for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples; Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples as “Other”; and the nature of the “problem” concerning the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. Analysis of the discursive elements contributing to shaping these four discourses is reported in this paper.

Measuring the success of ABC training in South Africa: A case study in the production of Western Liberal broadcast news values

In 1993 the Australian Broadcasting Corporation was contracted by the Australian Government to assist in the reshaping of the South African Broadcasting Corporation from a state-run broadcaster to a respected and trusted national broadcaster for all people in the newly democratic South Africa. Broadcast journalism training was identified by ABC consultant Bob Wurth as possibly the greatest need for SABC Radio. This thesis examines the ABC's role in South Africa and the effectiveness of its radio journalism training project considering the organisational, structural, cultural and political constraints of the SABC. This thesis will show through interviews and participant observation the difficulties in achieving the production of Western Liberal journalism values at the SABC within the time constraints set by the project funded by the Australian Government and the particular South African morays.