988 resultados para community policing


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Este trabalho faz uma abordagem acerca da política de segurança pública no Estado de Minas Gerais. Discute-se o próprio processo de formulação da política pública, procedendo-se a uma análise de seus fundamentos e da forma pela qual o Governo do Estado trata as questões a ela inerentes. Através de pesquisa seletiva, chegou-se a diagnósticos que demonstram a situação atual da política considerada, enfocando-se principalmente os aspectos relacionados a recursos humanos, logística e orçamento, sempre confrontados com os demais setores de atuação do Estado na vida social. A premissa básica que penneia toda a pesquisa é a de que não existe uma política de segurança pública, sistematizada, no Estado de Minas Gerais. A lógica da investigação da participação orçamentária da atividatfe de segurança pública, confrontada com a evolução do aparato policial, está na tentativa de se demonstrar a ausência do Estado no efetivo acompanhamento da necessidade social de segurança. Por meio da análise dos instrumentos utilizados na pesquisa, referendou-se o processo decisório da política, com a ausência de participação do staff político e gerencial do governo, mas centrado na divisão dicotômica dos organismos policiais do Estado, a Polícia Militar e a Polícia Civil, como planejadores, decisores e executores de toda a ação que envolva segurança pública. A dimensão institucional dessa atuação é calcada numa resposta pro ativa até certo ponto, mas a sua tônica é o "agir" ante as demandas surgidas e, principalmente, quando acionadas pelo clamor público. A alusão ao sistema de defesa social, previsto na Constituição do Estado, é a resposta da pesquisa para o atendimento dessa demanda social, aliado à adoção do policiamento comunitário.

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Este Artigo tem por objetivo dar conhecimento da política pública de segurança em mediação de conflitos, concebida pela Secretaria Municipal de Segurança Urbana e desempenhada pelo órgão executor em segurança municipal, a Guarda Civil Metropolitana. Trata-se de um programa implementado no ano de 2012, que objetiva, por meio do policiamento preventivo e comunitário, promover transformações sociais através da cultura da paz e de confiança entre Estado e sociedade. Considerando ser recente, faltam dados a respeito do impacto social que a mediação de conflitos vem provocando, no entanto a iniciativa do Governo foi recentemente premiada pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU).

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La ricerca esamina il ruolo delle imprese che svolgono attività di sicurezza privata in Italia (oggi definita anche "sussidiaria" o "complementare") in relazione allo sviluppo delle recenti politiche sociali che prevedono il coinvolgimento di privati nella gestione della sicurezza in una prospettiva di community safety. Nel 2008/2009 le politiche pubbliche di sicurezza legate al controllo del territorio hanno prodotto norme con nuovi poteri “di polizia” concessi agli amministratori locali e la previsione di associazione di cittadini per la segnalare eventi dannosi alla sicurezza urbana (“ronde”). Nello stesso periodo è iniziata un’importante riforma del settore della sicurezza privata, ancora in fase di attuazione, che definisce le attività svolte dalle imprese di security, individua le caratteristiche delle imprese e fissa i parametri per la formazione del personale. Il quadro teorico del lavoro esamina i concetti di sicurezza/insicurezza urbana e di società del rischio alla luce delle teorie criminologiche legate alla prevenzione situazionale e sociale e alla community policing. La ricerca sul campo si basa sull’analisi del contenuto di diverse interviste in profondità con esponenti del mondo della sicurezza privata (imprenditori, dirigenti, studiosi). Le interviste hanno fatto emergere che il ruolo della sicurezza privata in Italia risulta fortemente problematico; anche la riforma in corso sulla normativa del settore è considerata con scarso entusiasmo a causa delle difficoltà della congiuntura economica che rischia di compromettere seriamente la crescita. Il mercato della sicurezza in Italia è frastagliato e scarsamente controllato; manca un’azione di coordinamento fra le diverse anime della sicurezza (vigilanza privata, investigazione, facility/security management); persiste una condizione di subalternità e di assenza di collaborazione con il settore pubblico che rende la sicurezza privata relegata in un ruolo marginale, lontano dalle logiche di sussidiarietà.

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"Created date: September 14, 2001"--P. [4] of cover.

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At head of title: Research and program evaluation in Illinois: studies on drug abuse and violent crime.

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The Maasai/Kikuyu agro-pastoral borderlands of Maiella and Enoosupukia, located in the hinterlands of Lake Naivasha’s agro-industrial hub, are particularly notorious in the history of ethnicised violence in the Kenya’s Rift Valley. In October 1993, an organised assault perpetrated by hundreds of Maasai vigilantes, with the assistance of game wardens and administration police, killed more than 20 farmers of Kikuyu descent. Consequently, thousands of migrant farmers were violently evicted from Enoosupukia at the instigation of leading local politicians. Nowadays, however, intercommunity relations are surprisingly peaceful and the cooperative use of natural resources is the rule rather than the exception. There seems to be a form of reorganization. Violence seems to be contained and the local economy has since recovered. This does not mean that there is no conflict, but people seem to have the facility to solve them peacefully. How did formerly violent conflicts develop into peaceful relations? How did competition turn into cooperation, facilitating changing land use? This dissertation explores the value of cross-cutting ties and local institutions in peaceful relationships and the non-violent resolution of conflicts across previously violently contested community boundaries. It mainly relies on ethnographic data collected between 2014 and 2015. The discussion therefore builds on several theoretical approaches in anthropology and the social sciences – that is, violent conflicts, cross-cutting ties and conflicting loyalties, joking relationships, peace and nonviolence, and institutions, in order to understand shared spaces that are experiencing fairly rapid social and economic changes, and characterised by conflict and coexistence. In the researched communities, cross-cutting ties and the split allegiances associated with them result from intermarriages, land transactions, trade, and friendship. By institutions, I refer to local peace committees, an attempt to standardise an aspect of customary law, and Nyumba Kumi, a strategy of anchoring community policing at the household level. In 2010, the state “implanted” these grassroots-level institutions and conferred on them the rights to handle specific conflicts and to prevent crime. I argue that the studied groups utilise diverse networks of relationships as adaptive responses to landlessness, poverty, and socio-political dynamics at the local level. Material and non-material exchanges and transfers accompany these social and economic ties and networks. In addition to being instrumental in nurturing a cohesive social fabric, I argue that such alliances could be thought of as strategies of appropriation of resources in the frontiers – areas that are considered to have immense agricultural potential and to be conducive to economic enterprise. Consequently, these areas are continuously changed and shaped through immigration, population growth, and agricultural intensification. However, cross-cutting ties and intergroup alliances may not necessarily prevent the occurrence or escalation of conflicts. Nevertheless, disputes and conflicts, which form part of the social order in the studied area, create the opportunities for locally contextualised systems of peace and non-violence that inculcate the values of cooperation, coexistence, and restraint from violence. Although the neo-traditional institutions (local peace committees and Nyumba Kumi) face massive complexities and lack the capacity to handle serious conflicts, their application of informal constraints in dispute resolution provides room for some optimism. Notably, the formation of ties and alliances between the studied groups, and the use of local norms and values to resolve disputes, are not new phenomena – they are reminiscent of historical patterns. Their persistence, particularly in the context of Kenya, indicates a form of historical continuity, which remains rather “undisturbed” despite the prevalence of ethnicised political economies. Indeed, the formation of alliances, which are driven by mutual pursuit of commodities (livestock, rental land, and agricultural produce), markets, and diversification, tends to override other identities. While the major thrust of social science literature in East Africa has focused on the search for root causes of violence, very little has been said about the conditions and practices of cooperation and non-violent conflict resolution. In addition, situations where prior violence turned into peaceful interaction have attracted little attention, though the analysis of such transitional phases holds the promise of contributing to applicable knowledge on conflict resolution. This study is part of a larger multidisciplinary project, “Resilience in East African Landscapes” (REAL), which is a Marie Curie Actions Innovative Training Networks (ITN) project. The principal focus of this multidisciplinary project is to study past, present, and future thresholds and sustainable trajectories in human-landscape interactions in East Africa over the last millennia. While other individual projects focus on long-term ecosystem dynamics and societal interactions, my project examines human-landscape interactions in the present and the very recent past (i.e. the period in which events and processes were witnessed or can still be recalled by today’s population). The transition from conflict to coexistence and from competition to cooperative use of previously violently contested land resources is understood here as enhancing adaptation in the face of social-political, economic, environmental, and climatic changes. This dissertation is therefore a contribution to new modes of resilience in human-landscape interactions after a collapse situation.

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The fundamental change in policing that began in 2001 was a critical part of the Northern Ireland peace process. Seventy years after its establishment the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) remained distrusted and unrepresentative of the Catholic – nationalist community. This book explores how policing changed and the significant contribution that overhaul made to the most successful conflict transformation process in recent decades. It looks at policing from an organizational perspective and focuses on leadership, strategy and culture as it traces the journey from RUC to PSNI. In this way it reflects the views of many key figures inside the organization and of key political decision makers outside of it. This book will be of tremendous interest to those seeking to explore the underlying dynamics of one of the most radical and challenging change processes in recent history and is a must read for anyone interested in the Northern Irish peace process.

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The new structures of policing in Northern Ireland have been internationally lauded as a success, but the manner in which police-community relations are unfolding in local settings is less clear. In this article we draw on a local crime survey conducted in a Republican area in Belfast to examine residents’ views of policing and to highlight residents’ concerns about police effectiveness in dealing with crime and disorder. Drawing on Habermas’s concept of ‘responsible participation’, we also consider the role that community organisations can play in helping overcome local scepticism and developing positive forms of engagement with the police. © 2012 The Authors

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DUE TO COPYRIGHT RESTRICTIONS ONLY AVAILABLE FOR CONSULTATION AT ASTON UNIVERSITY LIBRARY AND INFORMATION SERVICES WITH PRIOR ARRANGEMENT

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The intention of this article is to provide a structural and operational analysis of policing beyond the police in Northern Ireland. While the polity enjoys low levels of ‘officially’ recorded crime as part of its post-conflict status, little empirical analysis exists as to the epistemological roots of security production outside that of the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The empirical evidence presented seeks to establish that beyond more prominent analyses related to paramilitary ‘policing’, the country is in fact replete with a substantial reservoir of legitimate civil society policing – the collective mass of which contributes to policing, community safety and quality of life issues. While such non-state policing at the level of locale was recognised by the Independent Commission for Policing, structured understandings have rarely permeated governmental or academic discourse beyond anecdotal contentions. Thus, the present argument provides an empirical assessment of the complex, non-state policing landscape beyond the formal state apparatus; examines definitions and structures of such community-based policing activities; and explores issues related to co-opting this non-state security ‘otherness’ into more formal relations with the state.

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In 2011 the Chief Constable of the PSNI commissioned a review of public order policing in Northern Ireland, following closely behind a review of public order policing in Britain undertaken by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) (2011). As part of the review, the PSNI decided to adopt a ‘twin-track’ approach, with an internal review of organisational practice, experiences and roles/responsibilities; and an independent external review of community experiences of public order policing across the country. The external strand to the review was publically tendered during the first half of 2012 and was awarded to a joint bid by the University of Ulster and the Institute for Conflict Research. The overall aim of the research was to inform the PSNI’s review of public order policing in the widest possible sense so that community experiences and attitudes may be considered by the PSNI as part of decisions taken about future changes in police strategy and tactics on public order issues, with full cognisance of their community impact. In regard to the specific objectives, the research was tasked with the following:

• Provide qualitative information on community experiences and attitudes to public order policing;
• Identify critical issues, dilemmas and debates resulting from public order policing as delivered by the PSNI – both in terms of communities directly and indirectly affected;
• Highlight issues for the PSNI consideration in terms of carrying out its task of maintaining public order while upholding the human rights of all; and
• Explore the above issues in respect of both the PSNI’s style and tactics, along with community attitudes and approaches.

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There is a growing sense of crisis in rural ways of life, which manifests itself in economic decline, depopulation, depleted environments, and a crisis of rural identities. Crime is one potent marker of crisis, the more so as it spoils the image of healthy, cohesive community. The social reaction it elicits, the policing of this ‘other rural’, is also a guide to the dimensions of crisis. The social sciences have witnessed a renewed international interest in the study of ‘other rurals’: the neglected, invisible or excluded aspects of country life. This book brings a fresh approach to the study of crime that challenges the urban-centric assumptions of much western criminology and sociology. It explores rural crime and social reactions to it, in relation to processes and patterns of community formation and change in rural Australia, including the social, economic, cultural and political forces shaping the history, structure and everyday life of rural communities. Policing the Rural Crisis is based on five years of extensive original empirical research in rural and regional Australia. It draws on ideas and debates in contemporary social theory across several disciplines, making the analysis relevant to the study of crime and social change elsewhere.

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There is increasing awareness of the potential for any medication that acts on the central nervous system to impair judgement and motor functioning, including driving performance. This paper reports community knowledge, perceptions and experience in relation to driving while taking medications. A community-based survey (n=316) revealed that of those who had taken any type of medication in the last 7 days (n=193), a quarter (24%) had driven while taking a medication that they thought could affect them. Of those who drove for work, a quarter (26%) of the respondents reported that they had changed or stopped their work-related driving because they were taking a medication that displayed a warning label about driving. Outside of work, a third (35%) of the total number of respondents reported that they had done so. Of those who had taken any type of medication in the last 7 days, 62 were taking on a daily basis one or more medications classified as being likely to have a warning label about driving, such as sedatives, tranquilizers, antidepressants, analgesics and anticonvulsives. This paper will examine community knowledge, perceptions and experience surrounding medications and driving with particular reference to those persons who were taking drugs with a warning label, and the barriers to following such warnings.

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The paper draws on a three year Australian Research Council funded project entitled Sexual Harassment in Australia: Context Outcomes and Prevention. The research to date suggests there is some slippage between legal definitions and community understandings of what constitutes sexual harassment. Moreover, while sexual harassment is often seen by the community and within organisations as the fault of one aberrant individual, in certain workplace contexts sexual harassment is used to ‘police the gender borders’, that is to exclude women and men who do not conform to the dominant workplace gender norms. This type of sexual harassment is a collective form of behaviour often perpetrated by co-workers in male-dominated workplaces which is designed to humiliate ‘outsiders’ so they appear incompetent and will be forced to leave the organisation. While much previous research that has focused on this type of sexual harassment has taken place in military and policing settings, our emerging findings suggest that it is present in a far broader range of workplace contexts. Prevention of this form of sexual harassment is challenging and goes to the heart of organisational culture and work organisation.