315 resultados para colonialism.


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s a signatory to the Boxer Protocol in 1901, Italy came into possession of the Tianjin concession, its only colonial possession in China. The Italian settlement was situated on the Hai River, and most of the land consisted of cemeteries and salt deposits. Italian administration of the settlement encountered many difficulties. Expropriation of land from the Chinese occupants was not easy, and it proved equally difficult to attract Italian investors. However despite the fact that Italian public opinion supported the abandonment of the concession, the Italian government was ultimately obliged to undertake a project for its urban development. Success in Tianjin became a national challenge for Italy, with the National Trust providing the necessary economic support. The history of the Italian settlement in Tianjin therefore sheds light on the politics of colonialism and on Italy's economic and political agendas at the turn of the twentieth century.

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This thesis examines three key moments in the intersecting histories of Scotland, Ireland and England, and their impact on literature. Chapter one Robert Bruce and the Last King of Ireland: Writing the Irish Invasion, 1315- 1826‘, is split into two parts. Part one, Barbour‘s (other) Bruce‘ focuses on John Barbour‘s The Bruce (1375) and its depiction of the Bruce‘s Irish campaign (1315-1318). It first examines the invasion material from the perspective of the existing Irish and Scottish relationship and their opposition to English authority. It highlights possible political and ideological motivations behind Barbour‘s negative portrait of Edward Bruce - whom Barbour presents as the catalyst for the invasion and the source of its carnage and ultimate failure - and his partisan comparison between Edward and his brother Robert I. It also probes the socio-polticial and ideological background to the Bruce and its depiction of the Irish campaign, in addition to Edward and Robert. It peers behind some of the Bruce‘s most lauded themes such as chivalry, heroism, loyalty, and patriotism, and exposes its militaristic feudal ideology, its propaganda rich rhetoric, and its illusions of freedom‘. Part one concludes with an examination of two of the Irish section‘s most marginalised figures, the Irish and a laundry woman. Part two, Cultural Memories of the Bruce Invasion of Ireland, 1375-1826‘, examines the cultural memory of the Bruce invasion in three literary works from the Medieval, Early Modern and Romantic periods. The first, and by far the most significant memorialisation of the invasion is Barbour‘s Bruce, which is positioned for the first time within the tradition of ars memoriae (art of memory) and present-day cultural memory theories. The Bruce is evaluated as a site of memory and Barbour‘s methods are compared with Icelandic literature of the same period. The recall of the invasion in late sixteenth century Anglo-Irish literature is then considered, specifically Edmund Spenser‘s A View of the State of Ireland, which is viewed in the context of contemporary Ulster politics. The final text to be considered is William Hamilton Drummond‘s Bruce’s Invasion of Ireland (1826). It is argued that Drummond‘s poem offers an alternative Irish version of the invasion; a counter-memory that responds to nineteenth-century British politics, in addition to the controversy surrounding the publication of the Ossian fragments. Chapter two, The Scots in Ulster: Policies, Proposals and Projects, 1551-1575‘, examines the struggle between Irish and Scottish Gaels and the English for dominance in north Ulster, and its impact on England‘s wider colonial ideology, strategy, literature and life writing. Part one entitled Noisy neighbours, 1551-1567‘ covers the deputyships of Sir James Croft, Sir Thomas Radcliffe, and Sir Henry Sidney, and examines English colonial writing during a crucial period when the Scots provoked an increase in militarisation in the region. Part two Devices, Advices, and Descriptions, 1567-1575‘, deals with the relationship between the Scots and Turlough O‘Neill, the influence of the 5th Earl of Argyll, and the rise of Sorley Boy MacDonnell. It proposes that a renewed Gaelic alliance hindered England‘s conquest of Ireland and generated numerous plantation proposals and projects for Ulster. Many of which exhibit a blurring‘ between the documentary and the literary; while all attest to the considerable impact of the Gaelic Scots in both motivating and frustrating various projects for that province, the most prominent of which were undertaken by Sir Thomas Smith in 1571 and Walter Devereux, 1st Earl of Essex in 1573.

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This flyer promotes the event "Puerto Ricans in the Empire: Tobacco Growers and U.S. Colonialism", a book presentation by Author Teresita A. Levy. The book focuses on the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States in the tobacco-leaf market. Teresita Levy is an associate professor of Latin American and Puerto Rican studies at Lehman College, City University of New York, and the associate director of the Center for Latin American, Caribbean and Latino Studies at the Graduate Center. This event was held on August 24, 2015 at the Florida International University, Modesto A Maidique Campus, DM 445.

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Morocco was the last North African country in which a Pasteur institute was created, nearly two decades later than in Tunisia and Algeria. In fact, two institutes were opened, the first in Tangier in 1913 and the second in Casablanca in 1932. This duplication, far from being a measure of success, was the material expression of the troubles Pastorians had experienced in getting a solid foothold in the country since the late 19th century. These problems partly derived from the pre-existence of a modest Spanish-Moroccan bacteriological tradition, developed since the late 1880s within the framework of the Sanitary Council and Hygiene Commission of Tangier, and partly from the uncoordinated nature of the initiatives launched from Paris and Algiers. Although a Pasteur Institute was finally established, with Paul Remlinger as director, the failure of France to impose its colonial rule over the whole country, symbolized by the establishment of an international regime in Tangier, resulted in the creation of a second centre in Casablanca. While elucidating many hitherto unclear facts about the entangled origins of both institutes, the author points to the solidity of the previously independent Moroccan state as a major factor behind the troubled translation of Pastorianism to Morocco. Systematically dismissed or downplayed by colonial and postcolonial historiography, this solidity disrupted the French takeover of the country and therefore Pastorian expectations.

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Crises persist in Australian Indigenous affairs because current policy approaches do not address the intersection of Indigenous and European political worlds. This paper responds to this challenge by providing a heuristic device for delineating Settler and Indigenous Australian political ontologies and considering their interaction. It first evokes Settler and Aboriginal ontologies as respectively biopolitical (focused through life) and terrapolitical (focused through land). These ideal types help to identify important differences that inform current governance challenges. The paper discusses the entwinement of these traditions as a story of biopolitical dominance wherein Aboriginal people are governed as an “included-exclusion” within the Australian political community. Despite the overall pattern of dominance, this same entwinement offers possibilities for exchange between biopolitics and terrapolitics, and hence for breaking the recurrent crises of Indigenous affairs.

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This essay analyses some of the political, economic and social challenges of East Timer's transition to independence. It scrutinizes the ethical dimensions of building peace in a territory devastated by the combined effect of Indonesia's colonial occupation and the violent militia attacks of September 1999. The most difficult task ahead does not lie in the physical rebuilding of the territory-gargantuan as it may be-but in the more intricate and long-term rehabilitation of a traumatized society. The latter involves competing Timorese factions as well as a range of international actors, including the United Nations Transitional Authority, foreign governments, business institutions and various multilateral and bilateral donors. each having their own organizational leitmotifs and policy priorities. If not managed carefully, the reconstruction process could further exacerbate existing societal tensions and complicate the starch for peace and reconciliation. The essay identifies a number of crucial components necessary to counter such risks, including the need to promote popular participation in the rebuilding process. Without the legitimacy created by strong community involvement and grassroots participation in decision making, the task of national reconstruction may well become overwhelmed by conflict.

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The paper analyses seven potential restrictions to the right to vote in 63 democracies. Only two of these restrictions have given rise to a near consensus. An overwhelming majority of democracies have decided that the minimum voting age should be 18 and that the right to vote of mentally deficient people should be restricted. There is little consensus about whether the right to vote should be restrcited to citizens, about whether there should be country or electoral district residence requirements, about which electors residing abroad (if any) should retain their right to vote and about which prison inmates (if any) should have the right to vote. The paper also examines two factors that affect right to vote laws: British colonialism and level of political rights. The pattern found with respect to electoral systems, whereby former British colonies emulate their former ruler, is less systematic in the case of right to vote legislation. Finally, “strong” democracies are slightly more inclusive than “weak” ones when deciding who has the right to vote.

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Edward Said, palestiniano cidadão do mundo, historiador crítico da literatura e da cultura preocupa-se em analisar e desmistificar as representações ideológicas que afirmam a superioridade de uma cultura sobre as outras. Em Orientalismo , publicado originalmente em 1978, demonstra como o colonialismo europeu constrói uma representação do mundo oriental, especialmente do mundo árabe e muçulmano, em que os representados surgem como seres incapazes de autonomia, racionalidade e autogoverno. Como contraponto a esta concepção, desenvolve-se, no período da emancipação e das independências coloniais, uma nova visão em que os povos colonizados de mero objecto de representação se transformam em sujeitos da sua própria história. Em Cultura e Imperialismo , publicado em 1993, Said analisa como os intelectuais e os criadores dos povos dominados elaboram uma nova representação de si próprios e do Outro no âmbito do processo de luta e emancipação colonial. Mas apenas a livre interacção e interdependência das culturas poderá constituir uma síntese superadora do imperialismo e do nacionalismo anticolonial. Dimensão libertadora que se tornará a verdadeira missão e vocação do intelectual sem fronteiras de que Said foi um dos maiores expoentes contemporâneos.

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It is generally little known today that Goans produced a wide range of publications in Portuguese, in English, in French, besides their native languages Konkani and Marathi. One needs to consult the 3 volumes of Dicionário da Literatura Goesa by Aleixo Manuel da Costa, edited recently by Instituto Cultural de Macau to get an idea of the literary production of the Goans. This literary production does not permit us to conclude that Goans who wrote in Portuguese were lusophiles, or those who wrote in English were anglophiles, and so on. If Portuguese language failed to win over the hearts and minds of most Goans it was largely because Portuguese language was seen as an instrument of colonial domination

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Inicio de uma coluna quinzenal intitulada "Historical Explorations" no jornal Herald, de Panjim (Goa).Esta primeira coluna Op-ed comenta sobre as opiniões contraditórias que continuam a surgir na opinião pública acerca da "libertação" de Goa. Relata casos históricos e identifica pessoas que se sacrificaram pela causa da democracia e para pôr fim ao colonialismo em Goa. Distingue entre os combatentes da liberdade e os políticos de conveniência. Esta série de coluna Op-ed pretende analisar a actutalidade goesa e portuguesa contextualisando-a com o passado comum e com o presente de interesse mútuo.

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Logo após a conquista de Goa em 1510 Afonso de Albuquerque estabeleceu a Camara / Senado de Goa, que serviu os interesses coloniais muito bem durante todo o período colonial. O Senado e outras instituições afiliadas, particularmente a Miserícórdia de Goa, eram dominados pelos casados brancos. Durante o século XVI o comércio rendia, mas com a chegada dos ingleses e dos holandeses começa o declínio comercial e do poder português nos mares. Como consequências os casados começam a investir nas terras das zonas rurais, nas provincias do interior de Goa, violando os direitos e privilégios das instituições autárquicas tradicionais dos goeses. Começam assim as fricções e as resistências que se vão tornando cada vez mais intensas no decorrer dos tempos.