40 resultados para bombings


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Latest issue consulted: 1999.

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Description based on: 1980.

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Australia and the United States have been extremely close allies since World War II. The engagements in Afghanistan and Iraq have continued this tradition. Yet even before the bombings in Bali and the confrontation with Iraq, an important debate about the costs and benefits of the relationship with the United States was underway in Australia. At a number of levels—economic, political, and even strategic—increasing numbers of Australians were critically reassessing the relationship and questioning the supposed benefits. Recent events have accelerated this process and thrown the relationship into even starker relief. This paper argues that the increasingly unilateral nature of American economic and strategic policy is imposing major costs on even its most loyal allies, a situation that threatens to undermine the legitimacy of, and support for, U.S. hegemony.

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One of the paradoxical effects of the 7 July bombings in London was to expose the ambivalence in the British government's attempt to wage war on terror by forcefully prosecuting war against those who resort to jihad abroad, actively participating in coalitions of the wining whether in Afghanistan or Iraq, while affording some of Islamism's key ideologists and strategists a high degree of latitude in the United Kingdom itself. This indicates a number of contradictions in official policy that simultaneously recognizes the globalized threat from violent Islamic militancy while, under the rubric of multiculturalism, tolerating those very strains of Islamist radicalism, some of which draw upon the interdependent and transnational character of conflict, to render the UK vulnerable to those very same violent forces. Consequently, the British authorities displayed a studied indifference towards this developing transnational phenomenon both during the 1990s and in some respects even after the London bombings. To explore the curious character of the government's response to the Islamist threat requires the examination of the emergence of this radical ideological understanding and what it entails as a reaction to modernization and secularism in both thought and practice. The analysis explores how government policies often facilitated the non-negotiable identity politics of those promoting a pure, authentic and regenerated Islamic order both in the UK and abroad. This reflected a profound misunderstanding of the growing source and appeal of radical Islam that can be interpreted as a consequence of the slow-motion collision between modernity in its recent globalized form and an Islamic social character, which renders standard western modernization theory, and indeed, the notion of a 'social science' itself, deeply questionable.

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Recent terrorist events in the UK, such as the security alerts at British airports in August 2006 and the London bombings of July 2005 gained extensive media and academic analysis. This study contends, however, that much of the commentary demonstrated a wide degree of failure among government agencies, academic and analytic experts and the wider media, about the nature of the threat and continues to distort comprehension of the extant danger. The principal failure, this argument maintains, was, and continues to be, one of an asymmetry of comprehension that mistakes the still relatively limited means of violent jihadist radicals with limited political ends. The misapprehension often stems from the language that surrounds the idea of 'terrorism', which increasingly restricts debate to an intellectually redundant search for the 'root causes' that give rise to the politics of complacency. In recent times this outlook has consistently underestimated the level of the threat to the security of the UK. This article argues that a more realistic appreciation of the current security condition requires abandoning the prevailing view that the domestic threat is best prosecuted as a criminal conspiracy. It demands instead a total strategy to deal with a totalizing threat. The empirical evidence demonstrates the existence of a physical threat, not merely the political fear of threat. The implementation of a coherent set of social policies for confronting the threat at home recognizes that securing state borders and maintaining internal stability are the first tasks of government. Fundamentally, this requires a return to an understanding of the Hobbesian conditions for sovereignty, which, despite the delusions of post-Cold War cosmopolitan multiculturalism, never went away.

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This paper analyses the impact of the Bali bombings on international visitor arrivals in Bali and compares this crisis with previous crises with reference to Butler’s hypothetical tourism area life cycle. The paper demonstrates that the Bali bombings had by far the greatest impact on international tourism visitation than any other crisis in the island’s history. Such was the severity of the decline in Bali that both national and local measures were taken to restore confidence. Important though these measures were, they do not fully account for the strong resurgence in international arrivals, suggesting that the destination has not yet reached consolidation in accordance with Butler’s hypothesis and that the strength of the resurgence owes much to the underlying trend of the development phase associated with the general picture proposed by Butler.

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Emergency preparedness is a fast developing field of education driven by the numerous disasters worldwide with more recent notable examples including the terrorist attacks of 9/11 in the U.S in 2001, the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsuanmi, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the London bombings in 2005, the earthquake in China in 2008, the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011, Hurricane Sandy in 2012 and more recently the Paris terror attacks in 2015. Whilst there is a growing literature focusing on the psychological implications of such disasters on children, there remains a lack of focus on disability, particularly neurodevelopmental disabilities such as autism. Due to the nature of autism it is likely that this group will have specific needs during disasters and emergency situations and may find such situations more stressful than their typically developing peers, as such they can be considered a more at risk group in such events. In this paper, I consider the need for an intervention for a nearly wholly neglected group in the field of education for emergency preparedness, children with autism, and report on phase one of a project aimed at designing resources for this group.

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The city of London was, during the years of 1940–1941, a city under fire. The metropolis seemed to have two faces, like the Roman deity Janus: the face of the daylight hours, so normal, and yet so deceiving in its false quietness – and at nightfall, the city turned, and the face of it was the face of the devil himself, transforming London into a living inferno. This thesis examines the sensescapes of the Blitz, through the diaries and memoirs written of that time. The primary sources consist of seven different diaries, two autobiographies, and four research volumes that contain multiple diary- and memoire entries, mostly from the Mass Observation Archives and from the Imperial War Museum. The sensory approach is a new orientation in the field of history – it studies the five senses in their cultural contexts, interpreting the often subtle ways in which the senses affect into society, politics, culture, and class hierarchies, to name only but few. The subject of the sensory history of war is a theme widely unexamined: this thesis contributes to this frontier field by unveiling the sensorium of the London bombings, comparing the differences between the halves of nychtemeron, and examining how the Blitz was communicated by the writers as a lived, bodily experience. This study reveals the very different sensory worlds in which the Londoners lived, during a time that is often described with the mythical solidarity that was thought to exist between the people. The reality of the homeless, working class, and poor were in the foul smelling tubes, poor law -dated rations, and in the smoking ruins of East End – the contrast was massive reflecting it to the luxury hotels and restaurants of the upper classes, opportunities for evacuation, sheltering possibilities, and overall comforts of life.

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This volume presents the findings of a number of empirical and theoretical studies on education about religions and worldviews (ERW) conducted in the Western societies of Britain, Ireland, Canada, Norway, Finland, New Zealand, Australia and Canada. Educational programmes about diverse religions and worldviews began to be investigated and implemented as strategies to encourage interreligious understanding and social cohesion, particularly following the 2005 London bombings when a fear of youth radicalisation and home-grown terrorism became prevalent. In addition, as a growing number of people in Western societies, and young people especially, declare themselves to have no religious affiliation, state actors are currently grappling with the reality that we are living in increasingly multifaith and non-religious societies and government education systems have become places of contestation as a result of these changes. This volume examines ERW research and policies in a number of diverse places in the hope of identifying common themes, overlapping insights and best practices that can inform research and policy for religious literacy and interreligious understanding in other contexts. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Intercultural Studies.