184 resultados para blame


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Appended: Remarks on the Essays on the principles of morality and natural religion, in a letter to a minister of the Church of Scotland: by the Revrend Mr. Jonathan Edwards ... (A criticism of Lord Kames' Essays ... p. [183]-190.)

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Appended: Remarks on the Essays on the principles of morality and natural religion, in a letter to a minister of the Church of Scotland: by the Reverend Mr. Jonathan Edwards ... (A criticism of Lord Kames' Essays ... p. [183]-190.)

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In Studies I and 21 after reading an acquaintance-rape but not a stranger-rape scenario, higher benevolent. sexist but not hostile sexist participants blamed the victim significantly more. In Study 2, higher hostile sexist but not benevolent sexist male participants showed significantly greater proclivity to commit acquaintance (but not stranger) rape. Studies 3 a effects of nd 4 'slippor,ted the hypothesis that the benevolent sexism and hostile sexism are mediated by different perceptions of the victim, as behaving. inappropriately and as really wanting sex with the rapist. These findings show that benevolent sexism and hostile sexism,underpin different assumptions about women that, generate sexist reactions toward rape victims.

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Our previous research has shown that individuals who show a greater endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs are more likely to blame acquaintance rape victims in comparison to stranger rape victims (Abrams et al., 2003). Two studies investigating the role of benevolent sexism (BS) in accounting for participants' responses to acquaintance vs. stranger rape perpetrators were conducted. Participants were presented with vignettes describing either an acquaintance rape or a stranger rape. As predicted, participants who showed a greater endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs attributed less blame (Study 1) and recommended shorter sentences (Study 2) for the acquaintance rape perpetrator than participants with a lesser endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to reactions to the perpetrator in the stranger rape condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In most jurisdictions, the law does not recognize the distinction between stranger and acquaintance rape. However, these two types of rape seem to elicit different responses from both lay observers and legal practitioners. Two studies investigating the role of benevolent sexism (BS) in accounting for participants' responses to acquaintance vs. stranger rape perpetrators are reported. Participants were presented with vignettes describing either an acquaintance rape or a stranger rape. As predicted, relative to low-BS individuals, participants who scored high in BS attributed less blame ( Study 1) and recommended shorter sentences ( Study 2) for the acquaintance rape perpetrator. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to reactions to the perpetrator in the stranger rape condition.

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We undertook a secondary analysis of in-depth interviews with white (n = 32) and Pakistani and Indian (n = 32) respondents who had type 2 diabetes, which explored their perceptions and understandings of disease causation. We observed subtle, but important, differences in the ways in which these respondent groups attributed responsibility and blame for developing the disease. Whereas Pakistani and Indian respondents tended to externalise responsibility, highlighting their life circumstances in general and/or their experiences of migrating to Britain in accounting for their diabetes (or the behaviours they saw as giving rise to it), white respondents, by contrast, tended to emphasise the role of their own lifestyle 'choices' and 'personal failings'. In seeking to understand these differences, we argue for a conceptual and analytical approach which embraces both micro- (i.e. everyday) and macro- (i.e. cultural) contextual factors and experiences. In so doing, we provide a critique of social scientific studies of lay accounts/understandings of health and illness. We suggest that greater attention needs to be paid to the research encounter (that is, to who is looking at whom and in what circumstances) to understand the different kinds of contexts researchers have highlighted in presenting and interpreting their data. © 2007 Foundation for the Sociology of Health & Illness/Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

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One routine “common sense” means of explaining sexual violence is the ideologically facilitated tendency to blame the victim, and previous research has identified patterns of victim-blaming in the talk of perpetrators of rape, and also in that of the professionals who deal with rape in their day-to-day work. This article focuses on the discursive resources drawn on in police interviews by rape victims themselves as they attempt to account for their own behaviour in relation to the attack. It identifies and describes points within interviewees’ talk where they produce “accounts” (Potter and Wetherell, 1987), and considers what these tell us about the participants’ shared understanding of what is relevant to the on-going talk. Occasions when there is evidence of a mis-match in the understanding of the participants will also be discussed. The analyses illustrate that for the accounts of interviewees to be heard as relevant, a number of prevalent and problematic themes of victim-blaming must be assumed. Interviewees anticipate and pre-empt implications that various aspects of their own behaviour contributed to their attack, and interviewers vary in the level of skill they display at negotiating these shared understandings.

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Stereotypes based on characteristics such as age, race, and gender influence opinions in a criminal context. Yet, to date research has largely assessed whether perpetrators, rather than victims, are judged differently. Furthermore, although facial features can be a source of unconscious bias, research has failed to assess whether perceptions based on facial features affect the criminal context. To better understand the relationship between stereotypic facial features and gender, and whether this varies across perpetrators and victims, participants were asked to answer questions about an aggravated assault scenario after viewing an image of a person described as the victim or the alleged perpetrator. Images varied in gender and in presence or absence of tattoos or gothic makeup. Participants sympathized with the victim regardless of gender, but discrepancies were stronger if the victim was female than male. Neutral and tattooed faces were judged more harshly than faces with gothic makeup, regardless of gender.