751 resultados para Zoning urbanism


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The built environment is part of the physical environment made by people and for people. Because the built environment is such a ubiquitous component of the environment, it acts as an important pathway in determining health outcomes. Zoning, a type of urban planning policy, is one of the most important mechanisms connecting the built environment to public health. This policy analysis research paper explores how zoning regulations in Austin, Texas promote or prohibit the development of a healthy built environment. A systematic literature review was obtained from Active Living Research, which contained literature published about the relationships between the built environment, physical activity, and health. The results of these studies identified the following four components of the built environment that were associated to health: access to recreational facilities, sprawl and residential density, land use mix, and sidewalks and their walkability. A hierarchy analysis was then performed to demonstrate the association between these aspects of the built environment and health outcomes such as obesity, cardiovascular disease, and general health. Once these associations had been established, the components of the built environment were adapted into the evaluation criteria used to conduct a public health analysis of Austin's zoning ordinance. A total of eighty-eight regulations were identified to be related to these components and their varying associations to human health. Eight regulations were projected to have a negative association to health, three would have both a positive and negative association simultaneously, and nine were indeterminable with the information obtained through the literature review. The remaining sixty-eight regulations were projected to be associated in a beneficial manner to human health. Therefore, it was concluded that Austin's zoning ordinance would have an overwhelmingly positive impact on the public's health based on identified associations between the built environment and health outcomes.^

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Publicación de los resultados de la primera fase del proyecto “Integración de los espacios agrarios periurbanos en la planificación urbana y territorial desde el enfoque de los servicios de los ecosistemas - PAEc-SP” (financiado por el Plan Nacional de Investigación I+D+d 2008-2012), que se presentaron en el Seminario internacional celebrado en Madrid en noviembre de 2012. Esta segunda edición, de septiembre de 2013, incorpora las modificaciones realizadas a partir de los comentarios y recomendaciones de los expertos invitados, y de los agentes territoriales a los que se presentaron los primeros resultados de la investigación.

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Urbanismo de Zuazo en Caracas

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El tema de estudio de esta tesis son las propuestas urbanas que Andrea Branzi ha desarrollado durante los últimos cincuenta años, centrándose especialmente en aquellas más elaboradas y completas: la No-Stop City (1970-71), que elabora como miembro del grupo radical Archizoom, y dos de sus modelos de urbanización débil, Agronica (1995) y el Master Plan para el Strijp Philips de Eindhoven (2000). Se trata de una parte de su obra que ha mantenido constante, a lo largo del tiempo, una propuesta de disolución de la arquitectura de notable consistencia que puede describirse con la fórmula “città senza architettura”, acuñada por él mismo. Una voluntad que ya se apunta en la muy variada producción de Archizoom previa a la No-Stop City, y que cristaliza y se hace explícita en este proyecto que aspiraba a: “liberar al hombre de la arquitectura”. A pesar de la continuidad de esta idea en el tiempo, la ciudad sin arquitectura de Branzi ha evolucionado claramente dando lugar a distintos tipos de disolución. Una disolución que, obviamente, no supone la efectiva desaparición de la disciplina, sino la formulación de una arquitectura “otra” basada en un replanteamiento radical de la naturaleza y el papel de la misma. Esta agenda contra la disciplina se ha desplegado a través de una serie de temas que socavan el objeto arquitectónico canónico (su vaciamiento expresivo, la pérdida de importancia de la envolvente y la forma acabada, el carácter anticompositivo, la independencia entre forma y función, la mutabilidad en el tiempo…), pero va más allá al poner en crisis el rol que la propia arquitectura ha tenido en la configuración material, política y simbólica del hábitat humano. Una pérdida de protagonismo y centralidad en la sociedad contemporánea que, en el discurso del arquitecto, implica necesariamente un papel subordinado. De este proceso de disolución surge un nuevo tipo de ciudad en la que la forma urbana o se ha perdido o se ha convertido en superflua, en la que se ha disuelto la zonificación funcional, cuyos espacios interiores se hallan en un proceso de permanente reprogramación que ignora las tipologías, que trasciende la división entre lo urbano y lo agrícola y que es, ante todo, un espacio de flujos y servicios. La crisis de la ciudad tradicional implica, en definitiva, un cambio en la naturaleza misma de lo urbano que pasa de considerarse un lugar físico y construido, a convertirse en una condición inmaterial y virtualmente omnipresente que se despliega independientemente de su soporte físico. En las investigaciones urbanas de Branzi convergen, además, muchas de las reflexiones que el arquitecto ha desarrollado sobre, y desde, las distintas “escalas” de la actividad profesional: diseño, arquitectura y urbanismo. Estas propuestas no sólo cuestionan las relaciones establecidas entre objetos, edificios, ciudades y territorios sino que ponen en cuestión estas mismas categorías. Unas ciudades sin arquitectura que se basan, en última instancia, en plantear preguntas que son muy sencillas y, por otra parte, eternas: ¿Qué es un edificio? ¿Qué es una ciudad? ABSTRACT The subject of study of this thesis are the urban proposals developed by Andrea Branzi over the last fifty years, with a special focus on the more developed and comprehensive ones: the No- Stop City (1970-1971), produced as a member of the architettura radicale group Archizoom, and two of his “weak urbanization models”: Agronica (1995) and the Master Plan for Philips Strijp in Eindhoven (2000). This area of his work has kept, over time, a remarkably consistent proposal for the dissolution of architecture that can be described with the motto città senza architettura (city without architecture), coined by himself. A determination, already latent in the very diverse production of Archizoom prior to No-Stop City, that crystallizes and becomes explicit in this project which was aimed to "liberate man from the architecture." Despite the continuity of this idea over time, Branzi’s city without architecture has clearly evolved leading to different types of dissolution. A dissolution that, obviously, does not mean the effective demise of the discipline, but rather, the formulation of an architecture autre based on a radical rethinking of its nature and role. This agenda against the discipline has been developed through a number of issues that undermine the canonical architectural object (its expressive emptying, the loss of importance of the envelope and the finished shape, the anticompositional character, the independence between form and function, the mutability over time...), but goes beyond it by putting into crisis the role that architecture itself has had in the material, political and symbolic configuration of the human habitat. A loss of prominence and centrality in contemporary society that, in the architect’s discourse, implies a subordinate role. From this dissolution process, a new type of city arises: a city where urban form has been lost or has become superfluous, in which functional zoning has dissolved, whose interiors are in a permanent process of reprogramming that ignores typologies, that transcends the division between urban and agricultural and becomes, above all, a space of flows and services. Ultimately, the crisis of the traditional city implies a change in the very nature of the urban that moves from being regarded as a physical and built place, to become an immaterial and virtually omnipresent condition that unfolds regardless of its physical medium. Many of the ideas Branzi has developed on, and from, the different "scales" of professional activity (design, architecture and urbanism) converge in his urban research. These proposals not only question the relations between objects, buildings, cities and territories but also these very categories. Cities without architecture that are based, ultimately, on raising simple questions that are, on the other hand, eternal: What is a building? What is a city?

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The encounter of architecture and urbanism with parcelisation is marked with the sign of a historical debt. Parcelisation is a tremendously powerful design tool. Architecture and urban planning attest to its capacity to shape sociospatial relations across a range of scales and contexts. From Renaissance palazzi to modernist slabs, from nation-wide agrarian reforms and Haussmann’s Paris to Christopher Alexander’s new theory of urban design and Michael Webb’s Suitaloon — most of the historical revolutions and experimental projects that have shaken these fields have relied, consciously or not, on a critique and restructuration of inherited divisions of land and space. The layout of parcel patterns has a series of implications including forms of property, the divide between private and public realms, the distribution of spatial contents and uses through zoning, typological decisions and so forth. The behaviour of any urban structure depends on the tissue of plots that configures the urban fabric and many of the challenges urban design faces today —complexity, urban vitality, social equality, etc.— hinge upon the forms of land division and distribution we adopt.

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In 1933 public letter to Wilhelm Furtwängler, Joseph Goebbels synthesized the official understanding of the link between politics, art and society in the early steps of the Third Reich. By assuming the ethos of art, politics acquired a plastic agency to mold its objects —population and the state— as a unified entity in the form of a ‘national-popular community’ (Volksgemeinschaft); in turn, by infusing art with a political valence, it became part of a wider governmental apparatus that reshaped aesthetic discourses and practices. Similar remarks could be made about the ordering of cities and territories in this period. Dictatorial imaginations mobilized urbanism —including urban theory, urban design and planning— as a fundamental tool for social organization. Under their aegis the production of space became a moment in a wider production of society. Many authors suggest that this political-spatial nexus is intrinsic to modernity itself, beyond dictatorial regimes. In this light, I propose to use dictatorial urbanisms as an analytical opportunity to delve into some concealed features of modern urban design and planning. This chapter explores some of these aspects from a theoretical standpoint, focusing on the development of dictatorial planning mentalities and spatial rationalities and drawing links to other historical episodes in order to inscribe the former in a broader genealogy of urbanism. Needless to say, I don’t suggest that we use dictatorships as mere templates to understand modern productions of space. Instead, these cases provide a crude version of some fundamental drives in the operationalization of urbanism as an instrument of social regulation, showing how far the modern imagination of sociospatial orderings can go. Dictatorial urbanisms constituted a set of experiences where many dreams and aspirations of modern planning went to die. But not, as the conventional account would have it, because the former were the antithesis of the latter, but rather because they worked as the excess of a particular orientation of modern spatial governmentalities — namely, their focus on calculation, social engineering and disciplinary spatialities, and their attempt to subsume a wide range of everyday practices under institutional structuration by means of spatial mediations. In my opinion the interest of dictatorial urbanisms lies in their role as key regulatory episodes in a longer history of our urban present. They stand as a threshold between the advent of planning in the late 19th and early 20th century, and its final consolidation as a crucial state instrument after World War II. We need, therefore, to pay attention to these experiences vis-à-vis the alleged ‘normal’ development of the field in contemporary democratic countries in order to develop a full comprehension thereof.

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Large-scale transport infrastructure projects such as high-speed rail (HSR) produce significant effects on the spatial distribution of accessibility. These effects, commonly known as territorial cohesion effects, are receiving increasing attention in the research literature. However, there is little empirical research into the sensitivity of these cohesion results to methodological issues such as the definition of the limits of the study area or the zoning system. In a previous paper (Ortega et al., 2012), we investigated the influence of scale issues, comparing the cohesion results obtained at four different planning levels. This paper makes an additional contribution to our research with the investigation of the influence of zoning issues. We analyze the extent to which changes in the size of the units of analysis influence the measurement of spatial inequalities. The methodology is tested by application to the Galician (north-western) HSR corridor, with a length of nearly 670 km, included in the Spanish PEIT (Strategic Transport and Infrastructure Plan) 2005-2020. We calculated the accessibility indicators for the Galician HSR corridor and assessed their corresponding territorial distribution. We used five alternative zoning systems depending on the method of data representation used (vector or raster), and the level of detail (cartographic accuracy or cell size). Our results suggest that the choice between a vector-based and raster-based system has important implications. The vector system produces a higher mean accessibility value and a more polarized accessibility distribution than raster systems. The increased pixel size of raster-based systems tends to give rise to higher mean accessibility values and a more balanced accessibility distribution. Our findings strongly encourage spatial analysts to acknowledge that the results of their analyses may vary widely according to the definition of the units of analysis.

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On urbanism in the early years of Francoism

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From its humble beginnings as a small workshop established by Tomáš Baťa in 1874, the Bata Shoe Company became a gigantic concern in the 1920s, built on the principles of scientific management and welfare capitalism. The growth of the company engulfed Zlín (in today’s Czech Republic), its hometown, and transformed it into a modern industrial garden city satisfying the needs of both a growing industrial population, and those of the company itself. As a reaction to the aftermath of the crisis of 1929, the enterprise began a strategy of decentralization and international expansion characterized by the design and construction of a series of modern industrial towns that replicated the model of Zlín around the globe. This study is an exhaustive survey of these cities, their rationale, design, and their postindustrial conditions; it is a comparative work that has used field trips, photography, interviews, and archival material to explain the logics behind Bata’s project, to document the design and implementation of the model to multiple contexts and geographies, and to evaluate of the urban legacy of this undertaking. Finally, the research explores the question of what can the design disciplines, and other parties involved, learn from a full synthesis on the history and urbanism of the Bata satellite cities with regard to the re-imagination and sustainability of contemporary industry-sponsored interventions in developing geographies. RESUMEN Con origen en un humilde y pequeño taller fundado en 1874 por Tomáš Baťa, la Bata Shoe Company creció hasta convertirse en una gigantesca empresa en los anos 20, fundada en principios de control científico de la producción y capitalismo de bienestar. El crecimiento de la compañía se extendió por Zlín (en la actual República Checa), su pueblo de nacimiento, y la transformó en una moderna ciudad jardín industrial capaz de satisfacer las necesidades tanto de una población en alza como de la propia empresa. Como reacción a la crisis de 1929, Bata inició una estrategia de descentralización y expansión internacional caracterizada por el proyecto y construcción de modernas ciudades industriales que replicaron el modelo de Zlín por el mundo. Esta tesis es un estudio exhaustivo de estas ciudades: las razones detrás del proyecto, su diseño, y su condición post-industrial; es un estudio comparativo que se ha servido de trabajo de campo, documentación fotográfica, entrevistas y materiales de archivo para explicar la lógica detrás del proyecto de Bata, documentar el diseño e implementación de tal modelo en múltiples contextos y geografías, y valorar el legado urbano de esta empresa. Finalmente, la investigación evalúa qué podrían aprender las disciplinas del diseño y otras partes implicadas de una síntesis completa de la historia y el urbanismo de las ciudades satélite de Bata, en lo relativo a la reinvención y sostenibilidad de proyectos contemporáneos de la industria en geografías en desarrollo.

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Recent federal incentives and increased demand for home photovoltaic and small wind electrical systems highlights the need for consistent zoning ordinances and guidance materials for Northglenn residents. This Capstone Project assesses perceived impacts related to renewable energy systems, like noise, safety, aesthetics, and environmental considerations, and provides a model ordinance intended to mitigate these issues. It was concluded a model ordinance would ease and stimulate additions of alternative energy systems in Northglenn. Additionally, this research concluded development of public information could stimulate homeowners into positive decisions. The project also identifies potential financial and environmental benefits of installing such systems in an effort to promote sustainable and clean energy production within the city.

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En 1933, por iniciativa municipal y con el apoyo del Gobierno, con la intención de captar un turismo extranjero y nacional de élite generando una nueva ‘industria’, se convoca el concurso de anteproyectos para la construcción de una ciudad satélite (a modo de ciudad jardín) para destinarla a ciudad de vacaciones en la Playa de San Juan (cvPSJ), Alicante, al que se presentan tres propuestas. Aquí se estudia el anteproyecto ganador (de P. Muguruza), que resulta pionero por las técnicas urbanísticas empleadas (información y zonificación), por la aplicación de la fotografía para la inserción de arquitecturas y equipamientos y por la sensibilidad desplegada en la protección del patrimonio cultural (medioambiental e histórico). Los referentes para este macro complejo turístico (de casi 10 km2), coetáneo a la Ciutat del Repós i Vacances (CRV) de Castelldefels, no proceden tanto de Europa como de EUA. Se realiza un análisis pormenorizado de la ordenación urbanística en atención a cómo el territorio existente la condiciona y se entrelaza con estrategias de promoción turística, donde se combinan la tríada: hotel, deporte y naturaleza (alojamiento, ocio y salud). Pero toda la ciudad está enfocada a un turismo burgués, para el que se prevé una arquitectura comercial que pronto envejecería en su repertorio. Veinticinco años después, en 1958, cuando las condiciones económicas y sociales fueron favorables al desarrollo de la zona, el mundo sería ya otro y el proyecto quedó obsoleto.

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This teaching material is an elemental information about Landscape Urbanism subject and the introduction to Landscape concept.