Lives of uneducated poets, to which are added attempts in verse,

Mode of access: Internet.

Who thinks what about capitalism? Class consciousness and attitudes to economic institutions

Attitudes to the fundamental economic institutions of capitalism, private ownership of productive property, markets as arenas for securing economic outcomes, and working class rights to associate and to strike, are key dimensions of class consciousness. This paper investigates how class location shapes these attitudes in combination with other factors like employment sector and trade union membership. Using data from the 1995 National Social Science Survey, the paper finds systematic class variation on attitudes to economic institutions that is consistent with respondents endorsing or rejecting class-specific strategies of interest realisation according to their own class circumstances. On some attitudes, class structural effects are additionally moderated by organisational norms associated with public sector employment and mediated by the impact of trade union membership.

Communities of the postindustrial city

The authors discern the community structure of the postindustrial city, with reference to Australia. They focus empirically on three major types of Australian urban center: urban regions. metropolitan areas that are not part of urban regions, and other major cities. These three account for almost three-quarters of the Australian population. The authors draw on a conceptualization formulated by Marcuse and van Kempen to guide the analysis, with a combination of cluster analysis and discriminant analysis being applied to aggregate (essentially census) data to identify the communities. Nine major Australian urban communities are identified-four are affluent. four are disadvantaged. and one is a working-class community. The communities found, however, differed greatly from those cited in the Marcuse and van Kempen schema.

The class basis of the cleavage between the New Left and the radical right: An analysis for Austria, Denmark, Norway and Switzerland

This chapter argues that the electoral competition between the New Left and the Radical Right is best understood as a cultural divide anchored in different class constituencies. Based on individual-level data from the European Social Survey, we analyze the links between voters' class position, their economic and cultural preferences and their party choice for four small and affluent European countries. We find a striking similarity in the class pattern across countries. Everywhere, the New Left attracts disproportionate support from socio-cultural professionals and presents a clear-cut middle-class profile, whereas the Radical Right is most successful among production and service workers and receives least support from professionals. In general, the Radical Right depends on the votes of lowereducated men and older citizens and has turned into a new type of working-class party. However, its success within the working-class is not due to economic, but to cultural issues. The voters of the Radical Right collide with those of the New Left over a cultural conflict of identity and community - and not over questions of redistribution. A full-grown cleavage has thus emerged in the four countries under study, separating a libertarian-universalistic pole from an authoritarian-communitarian pole and going along with a process of class realignment.

Soldiering and the making of Finnish manhood : conscription and masculinity in interwar Finland, 1918–1939

Military conscription and peacetime military service were the subjects of heated political, social and cultural controversies during the early years of national independence in Finland. Both the critics and the supporters of the existing military system described it as strongly formative of young men’s physical and moral development into adult men and male citizens. The conflicts over conscription prompted the contemporaries to express their notions about what Finnish men were like, at their best and at their worst, and what should and could be done about it. This thesis studies military conscription as an arena for the “making of manhood” in peacetime Finnish society, 1918–1939. It examines a range of public images of conscripted soldiering, asking how soldiering was depicted and given gendered meanings in parliamentary debates, war hero myths, texts concerned with the military and civic education of conscripts, as well as in works of fiction and reminiscences about military training as a personal experience. Studying conscription with a focus on masculinity, the thesis explores the different cultural images of manliness, soldiering and male citizenship on offer in Finnish society. It investigates how political parties, officers, educators, journalists, writers and “ordinary” conscripts used and developed, embraced or rejected these notions, according to their political purposes or personal needs. The period between the two world wars can be described as a fast-forward into military modernity in Finland. In the process, European middle class gender ideologies clashed with Finnish agrarian masculinities. Nationalistic agendas for the militarisation of Finnish manhood stumbled against intense class conflicts and ideological resistance. Military propaganda used images of military heroism, civic virtue and individual success to persuade the conscripts into ways of thinking and acting that were shaped by bourgeois mentality, nationalistic ideology and religious morality. These images are further analysed as expressive of the personal experiences and emotions of their middle-aged, male authors. The efforts of these military educators were, however, actively resisted on many fronts, ranging from rural working class masculinities among the conscripted young men to ideological critiques of the standing army system in parliament. In narratives about military training, masculinity was depicted as both strengthened and contradicted by the harsh and even brutal practices of interwar Finnish military training. The study represents a combination of new military history and the historical study of men and masculinities. It approaches masculinity as a contested and highly political form of social and cultural knowledge that is actively and selectively used by historic actors. Instead of trying to identify a dominant or “hegemonic” form of masculinity within a pre-determined theoretical structure, this study examines how the meanings ascribed to manhood varied according to class, age, political ideology and social situation. The interwar period in Finland can be understood as a period of contest between different notions of militarised masculinity, yet to judge by the materials studied, there was no clear winning party in that contest. A gradual movement from an atmosphere of conflict surrounding conscription towards political and cultural compromises can be discerned, yet this convergence was incomplete and many division lines remained.

Recollecting Work : Labour and Class in Contemporary North American Historical Fiction

Ma thèse examine quatre romans de l`époque post-1960 qui s’appuient sur le genre de la littérature prolétarienne du début du vingtième siècle. Se basant sur les recherches récentes sur la littérature de la classe ouvrière, je propose que Pynchon, Doctorow, Ondaatje et Sweatman mettent en lumière les thèmes souvent négligés de cette classe tout en restant esthétiquement progressiste et pertinents. Afin d’explorer les aspects politiques et formels de ces romans, j’utilise la « midfiction », le concept d’Allen Wilde. Ce concept vise les textes qui utilisent les techniques postmodernes et qui acceptent la primauté de la surface, mais qui néanmoins essaient d’être référentiels et d’établir des vérités. Le premier chapitre de ma thèse propose que les romans prolétariens contemporains que j’ai choisis utilisent des stratégies narratives généralement associées avec le postmodernisme, telles que la métafiction, l’ironie et une voix narrative « incohérente », afin de contester l’autorité des discours dominants, notamment les histoires officielles qui ont tendance à minimiser l’importance des mouvements ouvriers. Le deuxième chapitre examine comment les romanciers utilisent des stratégies mimétiques afin de réaliser un facteur de crédibilité qui permet de lier les récits aux des réalités historiques concrètes. Me référant à mon argument du premier chapitre, j’explique que ces romanciers utilisent la référentialité et les voix narratives « peu fiables » et « incohérentes », afin de politiser à nouveau la lutte des classes de la fin du dix-neuvième et des premières décennies du vingtième siècles et de remettre en cause un sens strict de l’histoire empirique. Se basant sur les théories évolutionnistes de la sympathie, le troisième chapitre propose que les représentations des personnages de la classe dirigeante riche illustrent que les structures sociales de l’époque suscitent un sentiment de droit et un manque de sympathie chez les élites qui les font adopter une attitude quasi-coloniale vis-à-vis de la classe ouvrière. Le quatrième chapitre aborde la façon dont les romans en considération négocient les relations entre les classes sociales, la subjectivité et l’espace. Cette section analyse comment, d’un côté, la représentation de l’espace montre que le pouvoir se manifeste au bénéfice de la classe dirigeante, et de l’autre, comment cet espace est récupéré par les ouvriers radicaux et militants afin d’avancer leurs intérêts. Le cinquième chapitre explore comment les romans néo-prolétariens subvertissent ironiquement les tropes du genre prolétarien précédent, ce qui exprimerait l’ambivalence politique et le cynisme généralisé de la fin du vingtième siècle.

'Hey little rich boy, take a good look at me': punk, class and British oi!

This article looks at the controversial music genre Oi! in relation to youth cultural identity in late 1970s and early 1980s Britain. By examining the six compilation albums released to promote Oi! as a distinct strand of punk, it seeks to challenge prevailing dismissals of the genre as inherently racist or bound to the politics of the far right. Rather, Oi! – like punk more generally – was a contested cultural form. It was, moreover, centred primarily on questions of class and locality. To this end, Oi! sought to realize the working-class rebellion of punk’s early aesthetic; to give substance to its street-level pretentions and offer a genuine ‘song from the streets’.

Fundamentos éticos e formação moral na pedagogia histórico-crítica

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A educação escolar e a relação entre o desenvolvimento do pensamento e a apropriação da cultura: a psicologia de A. N. Leontiev como referência nuclear de análise

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Vozes de trabalhadores na ditadura civil-militar: ensaios sobre literatura, memória e testemunho

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Mulheres e tatuagens: valores e intenções impregnados na construção do corpo feminino

Pós-graduação em Educação Sexual - FCLAR

Pratas, lacoste, grana e novinhas: um estudo sobre a construção social da adolescência através do ato infracional

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

Flash in the Pan: Cross-Class Cooperation in 1916 Iron Range Strike

In the Iron Range Strike of 1916, working-class wives picketed alongside their husbands in a conflict-ridden and dangerous setting. Mine deputies abused immigrant women on the picket lines and in their homes, with several disquieting reports receiving statewide attention in Minnesota. Many middle-class reformers in the Twin Cities grew sympathetic to the plight of northern mining families and became controversially involved the labor struggle. Some middleclass women worked alongside working-class wives and radical organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the center of this gendered analysis is the cross-class cooperation between an upper-middle class woman, Lenora Austin Hamlin, a radical reformer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and the story of a working-class housewife, Mikla Masonovich. This study will ask how authentic, prevalent, and unproblematic their stories of cross-class cohesive action actually were. In answering this, it will address and identify those factors that impeded women’s potential for unity. “Flash in the Pan” argues that as a result of both real and perceived differences, these networks of women remained isolated, inhibiting each from gaining sufficient power to work cohesively, and marginalizing their influence. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including media representations in newspapers, and archives of social, labor and women’s organizations, this regional study lends state-level insight into the larger gender-labor historiography.

Al Este del Retiro

La zona de Madrid al Este del Retiro ha estado indefectiblemente condicionada en su tardío desarrollo urbano por su posición a espaldas del Real Sitio. La construcción hacia 1640 de las tapias que rodeaban los reales jardines transformó la red de caminos que partían hacia oriente, aisló los terrenos ubicados más al Este de la ciudad, con la que ya sólo se podrían comunicar por las carreteras de Aragón y Valencia, y condenó las expectativas de desarrollo urbano reduciendo los precios de las propiedades, lo cual determinó durante décadas los usos y la arquitectura de la zona. El Anteproyecto de Ensanche de Carlos María de Castro constituye el germen a partir del cual, durante un lento proceso de casi cien años, fue configurándose la ciudad que hoy conocemos. La identificación en el Archivo de Villa del primer plano general del Ensanche trazado por Castro, del cual anteriores trabajos advirtieron de su existencia aunque se desconocía su localización, es la principal aportación de esta investigación. Por un lado, este primer plano general del Ensanche manuscrito es, por sí mismo, un documento de indudable importancia en la historia del urbanismo madrileño. En segundo lugar, el análisis de su contenido arroja nueva luz sobre la propuesta original de Castro, parcialmente censurada por la Dirección General de Obras Públicas antes de la aprobación del plan en 1860. Especialmente en lo referente a la zona de Madrid al Este del Retiro, proyectada como barrio obrero del Ensanche, este documento ha aportado un enfoque desconocido hasta ahora sobre el paisaje urbano concebido por Castro para la más ambiciosa propuesta planteada en mucho tiempo al problema de la vivienda obrera. Finalmente, el análisis de la factura del plano revela la superposición de varias capas de dibujo, evidenciando que durante un tiempo fue un documento vivo, utilizado como plano de trabajo por el equipo de Castro durante aproximadamente diez años, hasta la destitución del ingeniero en 1868. Posteriores análisis del plano sobre otros ámbitos de la ciudad arrojarán sin duda nuevos datos sobre el proceso proyectual del conjunto del Ensanche. Pero la dinámica de lo real, sintetizable en múltiples factores de índole social, económica y legislativa, transformó durante las primeras décadas de andadura del Ensanche la ciudad proyectada por Castro al Este del Retiro. El dibujo de la ciudad, entendido como herramienta de análisis y empleado con éxito en trabajos de investigación realizados por otros autores en la misma línea, ha permitido deducir la reconstitución gráfica del estado de la ciudad en diferentes momentos singulares del desarrollo urbanístico de la zona, así como de la propuesta original de barrio obrero de Castro. No hay que olvidar que, a pesar del escaso interés que suscitaba entre los inversores inmobiliarios el ámbito geográfico de estudio de esta tesis, fue objeto, durante casi un siglo, de numerosas propuestas de ordenación y urbanización que, aunque no llegaron a materializarse, fueron configurando una suerte de desarrollo virtual de la ciudad paralelo al devenir de la realidad. De esta forma, el dibujo se constituye en esta tesis como fuente de información, herramienta de pensamiento y resultado de la investigación en sí mismo, ilustrando y contribuyendo al mejor conocimiento de la forma urbana. ABSTRACT The area of Madrid to the East of the Retiro has been inevitably conditioned in its late urban development by its position behind the Royal Site. The construction of the walls surrounding the royal gardens around 1640 transformed the network of roads departing eastward, isolated land located to the East of the city, with which already only could communicate by roads of Aragon and Valencia, condemned the expectations of urban development by reducing the prices of the properties, and determined for decades uses and architecture of the area. The Carlos María de Castro preliminary design of City Expansion is the germ from which, during a slow process of almost one hundred years, the city which we know today was setting up. The discovery in the City Archive of the City Expansion first drawing traced by Castro, which previous investigations warned of its existence although its location was unknown, is the main contribution of this research. Firstly, this hand drawn general plan of the city expansion is by itself a document of undoubted importance in the history of Madrid urbanism. Secondly, the analysis of its content sheds new light on Castro´s original proposal, partially censored by the Dirección General de Obras Públicas before the approval of the plan in 1860. Especially concerning the area of Madrid to the East of the Retiro, projected as a workingclass district of the City Expansion, this document has provided an unknown up to now approach on the urban landscape designed by Castro for the more ambitious proposal put forward in a long time to the problem of worker housing. Finally, analysis of hand drawn plan reveals the superposition of several layers of drawing, demonstrating that for a time it was a living document, used as a work plan by the Castro team for approximately ten years, until the dismissal of the engineer in 1868. Subsequent analysis of the drawing on other areas of the city will have no doubt new data on the design process of the whole City Expansion. But the dynamics of reality, synthesizable on multiple factors in social, economic and legislative, transformed during the first decades of existence of the City Expansion designed by Castro to the East of the Retiro. Drawing of the city, understood as a tool of analysis and used successfully in research works done by other authors on the same line, has allowed to deduct graphic reconstitution of the city status in different and singular moments in the urban development of the area, as well as the original Castro´s proposal of working-class district. It should not be forgotten that, despite the lack of interest which raised among investors the geographic scope of this thesis study, it was the object, for nearly a century, of numerous proposals for urbanization which, although they didn´t materialize, were setting up a sort of virtual development of the city parallel to the becoming of the reality. In this way, drawing is used in the thesis as a source of information, tool of thought and outcome of the research itself, illustrating and contributing to a better understanding of urban form.

La negociación colectiva antes del peronismo : El caso bonaerense (1935-1943)

Desde inicios de la década de 1970, se señaló la importancia de las experiencias sindicales previas a 1943 para comprender al peronismo. Retomando trabajos vinculados al estudio del movimiento obrero de entreguerras, este artículo aborda las características de la negociación colectiva en la provincia de Buenos Aires entre 1935 y 1943. El objetivo es analizar los espacios y los gremios afectados por esa experiencia, cuya relevancia no se circunscribió al gobierno de Manuel Fresco (1936-1940). Aún no se ha contemplado toda su importancia, considerando las posibles continuidades con los convenios colectivos desarrollados por el futuro gobierno peronista a nivel nacional