Avaliação da Qualidade do Ar Interior de Ginásios

A prática de exercício físico é considerado condição essencial para a manutenção de uma boa saúde. A faixa etária de frequentadores de ginásios inclui utentes desde os 8 aos 80 anos, incluindo assim os grupos mais sensíveis à poluição do ar interior. Embora exista legislação específica para ginásios, nomeadamente para as condições de implementação, a mesma é reduzida e não contempla a qualidade do ar interior (QAI). O objetivo geral deste estudo consistiu na avaliação da QAI de quatro ginásios existentes na área metropolitana do Porto. O período de amostragem realizou-se entre 2 de Maio e 20 de Junho 2014 e, após a caracterização dos ginásios, foram monitorizados os seguintes parâmetros: partículas ultrafinas (< 100 nm), matéria particulada suspensa no ar de frações PM1, PM2,5, PM4 e PM10, dióxido de carbono, monóxido de carbono, ozono, compostos orgânicos voláteis, formaldeído, temperatura ambiente e humidade relativa durante 24 h/dia em salas com diferentes actividades (sala de musculação e cardiofitness e sala de aulas de grupo). Os resultados da avaliação dos parâmetros físicos e químicos foram comparados com os limiares de proteção e margem de tolerância do Decreto-Lei nº 118/2013 de 20 de Agosto, a Portaria nº 353-A/2013 de 4 de Dezembro e o Diploma que regula a construção, instalação e funcionamento dos ginásios. Os poluentes com maiores níveis de excedência são o dióxido de carbono, compostos orgânicos voláteis e as partículas PM2,5. As excedências devem-se essencialmente à sobrelotação das salas, excesso de atividade física e ventilação insuficiente. A localização da instalação dos ginásios é também um fator de extrema importância, sendo recomendado que este se situe em local pouco influenciado pelo tráfego automóvel, assim como, afastado de locais de possível interferência devido às atividades presentes, como é o caso da restauração existente em centros comerciais.

The role of retailing in urban regeneration

Recent ‘best practice’ research and guidance has emphasised the important role that can be played by retail-led urban regeneration projects, particularly in ‘under-served markets’ in the UK. This builds on ideas first formulated in the USA by Michael Porter through his close relationship with the Initiative for the Competitive Inner City (ICIC). This paper critically examines the role of retailing in urban regeneration nationally and locally in the UK, focusing on in-town shopping centres located in inner city areas of the UK. The paper is based on case study research in these centres, and was completed during 2003 for The Office of Science and Technology. The paper examines how employment impact in retail-led regeneration is commonly measured, and calls for more research to determine the real impact of retail in deprived communities using other, relevant measures.

The impact of E-commerce on retail real estate in the UK

This article summarizes the main research findings from the first of a series of annual surveys conducted for the British Council of Shopping Centres. The study examines the changing pattern of retailing in the United Kingdom and provides an overview of key research from previous studies in both the U.K. and the United States. The main findings are then presented, including an examination of the impact of e-commerce on sales and rental values and on the future space and ownership / leasing requirements of U.K. retailers for 2000-2005. The impact on a shopping center in a case study town in the U.K. is also considered. The difficulties of isolating the impact of e-commerce from other forces for change in retailing are highlighted. In contrast to other viewpoints, the results show that e-commerce will not mean the death of conventional store-based U.K. retailing, although further benchmark research is needed.

Treating the Tenant as a Customer: can good service improve real estate performance?

Customer Relationship Management (CRM) theory suggests that good customer service results in satisfied customers, who in turn are more likely to remain loyal and recommend the service provider to others. Applied to real estate, this theory implies that landlords should see a return on any investment in the service they give to tenants, in the form of increased lease renewal rates and fewer void periods, achieved without compromising rents. This paper examines determinants of occupier satisfaction, and investigates the relationship between occupier satisfaction and property performance, using measures such as capital growth, income return, lease renewal rates and total return. The analysis is based upon a pilot study using occupier satisfaction responses from around 2500 interviewees based in multi-tenanted offices, shopping centres and retail warehouses on out-of-town retail parks in the UK. The analysis is being extended to cover a larger sample for the author’s PhD. Part 1 of the analysis examines occupier satisfaction, whilst Part 2 considers its impact on property performance.

När lanthandeln stänger : En studie av lanthandelns betydelse för flyttning in och ut och för människorna i byn

In Sweden the number of rural food shops has decreased for more than 50 years. Often the closing of a village shop is supposed to affect the migration patterns in the area it has been serving. However, according to this study, neither in- nor out-migration in the area affected by the closing is affected. The deficits of migration usual in those areas are established at least 10-12 years before the closing year. Thus, the typical closing takes place subsequent to a long term population decline. On the other hand, localities hosting a shop that survived during the study period 1990-2004 have a bigger total population and show tendencies towards decreasing deficit of migration at any potential closing year. These statistical results are supported by interviews carried out in three villages where the last shop has closed. They indicate that the shop has already lost its importance as supplier when it closes. By then the village shop is primarily used as complement to nearby towns or shopping centres. Each of the two studies accounted for here point at a relative un-importance of the village shop as a service point at the closing time. However, as it often offer the last public space in the village the village shop serves a key function as a meeting point for some households. When the shop has closed, the village holds private homes only. That is a situation increasing loneliness to some inhabitants.

The role of the gift wrap stall at christmas

The pressure to wrap a gift can cause anxiety for the giver. At Christmas, many shopping centres have gift wrap stalls to assist their customers with the wrapping. In this paper we explore the purpose of a gift wrap stall and the role it plays in Christmas gift shopping. Data were collected through observation as it allowed insights into the phenomena that could not otherwise be obtained. Findings include the nature of a gift wrap stall, the mood surrounding the gift wrap stall, the types of gifts wrapped, the level of decision making involved, the role of the staff and issues relating to trust, the waiting times for gift wrapping, the giver’s gift wrap skills, and enquiries into the gift wrap service. This research makes an insightful contribution to a novel topic in the field of consumer behaviour as it allows us to better understand gift wrapping and its role in gift exchange.

Understanding the older food consumer, present day behaviours and future expectations

The main aim of this study was to determine whether Baby boomers know how they would manage to maintain a healthy diet on lower incomes in retirement. A cross-sectional survey was conducted at two shopping centres in Melbourne, Australia with 352 respondents. Contingency table analyses (using chi-square tests) were used to examine differences in present and future cooking habits between gender, age and socio-economic groups as well as anticipated changes to food shopping if they had less money in the future. The findings suggest that the most common food preparation behaviours were making meals from scratch ingredients (80% of participants) or using a combination of fresh and convenience foods (55% of participants), with socio-economic and demographic factors significantly influencing specific behaviours. Nearly 50% responded that if they had reduced income they would make a change to their food shopping habits. The most common changes were to the types of food purchased and seeking out special offers or cheaper brands. The results suggest that when faced with a lower standard of living, people will make changes to their food consumption habits. The challenge facing health promotion practitioners, is to ensure that these changes are well informed, leading to healthy options.

Consumer knowledge and attitudes to salt intake and labelled salt information

The objective of this study was to investigate consumers’ knowledge of health risks of high salt intake and frequency of use and understanding of labelled salt information. We conducted a cross-sectional survey in shopping centres within Metropolitan Melbourne. A sample of 493 subjects was recruited. The questionnaire assessed salt related shopping behaviours, attitudes to salt intake and health and their ability to interpret labelled sodium information. Four hundred and seventy four valid surveys were collected (65% female, 64% being the main shopper). Most participants knew of the relationship between salt intake and high blood pressure (88%). Sixty five percent of participants were unable to correctly identify the relationship between salt and sodium. Sixty nine percent reported reading the salt content of food products when shopping. Salt label usage was significantly related to shoppers concern about the amount of salt in their diet and the belief that their health could improve by lowering salt intake. Approximately half of the sample was unable to accurately use labelled sodium information to pick low salt options. Raising consumer awareness of the health risks associated with high salt consumption may increase salt label usage and purchases of low salt foods. However, for food labels to be effective in helping consumers select low salt foods a more ‘user friendly’ labelling format is needed.

Body weight and weight loss : are health messages reaching their target?

Objective: To investigate lay peoples’ knowledge of health risks of overweight, accuracy of self-perception of body weight and perceived benefits of weight loss. Method: A nine item questionnaire was administered to a cross sectional survey of adults in metropolitan shopping centres, height and weight were measured. Results: Two hundred and nine (57% female) adults completed the survey. Thirty eight percent had a healthy BMI (18.5-24.9), 38% were overweight (BMI 25-29.9) and a further 22% were obese (BMI>30). However only 46% perceived themselves ‘overweight’, 50% considered themselves ‘just about right’ and 4% considered themselves ‘underweight’. Of those with a BMI of 25 or greater 28% considered their weight ‘just about right’. Over 80% thought ‘being overweight’ was ‘likely’ or ‘very likely’ to be a risk factor for cardiovascular disease, hypertension, diabetes and stroke; however 20% of overweight or obese individuals did not think their health would improve if they lost weight. Conclusion: A significant proportion of overweight or obese individuals do not accurately perceive their body weight and do not recognise the health advantages of weight loss despite recognising excess body weight as a risk factor for chronic diseases. Implications: Increasing the awareness of an individual’s BMI and promoting the benefits of modest weight loss maybe two underutilized strategies for population level weight control.

The use of table and cooking salt in a sample of Australian adults

Dietary sodium, the major source being salt, is associated with hypertension. Australian adults consume more than the recommended amount of salt and approximately 15% of dietary sodium comes from salt added at the table and during cooking. Objective: To determine the frequency of and the demographic characteristics associated with discretionary salt use. Design: A cross sectional survey conducted in shopping centres within Metropolitan Melbourne. Participants completed a questionnaire assessing discretionary salt use and attitudes to salt intake. Outcomes: Four hundred and seventy four surveys were collected (65% female, 77% Caucasian, 64% holding a university qualification). Eighty nine percent of respondents were classified as salt users and 11% as non-salt users. Of the salt users 52% reported that they always or sometimes add salt during cooking and at the table. Those of Asian descent and younger respondents aged 18-24 years were more likely to be salt users (chi2=12.3, df=2, p<0.001; chi2=19.2, df=5, p<0.01). Conclusion: Discretionary salt use remains high. To successfully reduce population dietary salt intake public health campaigns are urgently required and need to include consumer advice to reduce discretionary salt use, whilst reducing the salt added to processed foods. Such campaigns should include younger age groups and should be appropriate for all ethnic backgrounds to raise the awareness of the risks of a high salt diet on health.

Baby boomers' reasons for choosing specific food shops

Purpose – Baby boomers (people born between 1946 and 1964) are approaching retirement and there is concern about their preparation for their future health and wellbeing. Food shopping is likely to play a major role in their future lives. The purpose of this paper is to examine their reasons for choosing to buy food from particular shops and whether demographic characteristics and health status were associated with them.

Design/methodology/approach – A questionnaire survey was conducted among a random sample of 1,037 people aged between 40 and 71 years in Victoria, Australia. Respondents were asked to indicate, from a list, their reasons for choosing to shop at particular food outlets. Regression analysis was used to examine the relationships between respondents' demographics and health status and their reasons for shopping at the food stores.

Findings – Multivariate analysis showed that the reasons the respondents reported in choosing shops fell into four groups: saving, convenience, quality and healthy foods, and user-friendly environment. Saving was negatively related to income, age, level of education and also linked with country of birth, religious affiliation, and marital status. Convenience was negatively associated with age and also related to health status and religious affiliation. Quality/healthy food products were positively related to age but negatively associated with body mass index, and also linked to country of birth. User-friendly environment was negatively associated with income and education and related to gender and religious affiliation.

Originality/value – The paper's results show that stores could provide more information, perhaps as signage, to their recycling and health information facilities, particularly in low socio-economic status areas. Furthermore, the social status and religious associations confirm the view that shopping reflects broad societal affiliations among baby boomers. Shopping centres can be used to provide support for health and environmental sustainability promotions.

Ethical consumption : a critical introduction

A not-so-quiet revolution seems to be occurring in wealthy capitalist societies - supermarkets selling ‘guilt free’ Fairtrade products; lifestyle TV gurus exhorting us to eat less, buy local and go green; neighbourhood action groups bent on ‘swopping not shopping’. And this is happening not at the margins of society but at its heart, in the shopping centres and homes of ordinary people. Today we are seeing a mainstreaming of ethical concerns around consumption that reflects an increasing anxiety with - and accompanying sense of responsibility for - the risks and excesses of contemporary lifestyles in the ‘global north’.

This collection of essays provides a range of critical tools for understanding the turn towards responsible or conscience consumption and, in the process, interrogates the notion that we can shop our way to a more ethical, sustainable future. Written by leading international scholars from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds - and drawing upon examples from across the globe - Ethical Consumption makes a major contribution to the still fledgling field of ethical consumption studies. This collection is a must-read for anyone interested in the relationship between consumer culture and contemporary social life.

The misanthropes, larrikins and mallrats of market square: an enduring public space dilemma in central Geelong

Market Square was a public reserve located in the centre of the Victorian regional city of Geelong. It was established by Governor Sir George Gipps during the initial surveying of the area in 1838. The square later became a produce market, before being progressively built upon for public and commercial purposes. Today, the modern Market Square Shopping Centre occupies a substantial portion of the original site. Opened in 1985 by the City of Geelong, the complex initially drew high rental incomes for the Council. However, by the early 1990s revenue began to decline after the collapse of the Pyramid Building Society and competition from the new Bay City Plaza shopping centre (now Westfield) that was built directly opposite. In 1993 the city council decided to sell the complex. Today it remains privately owned and while it adjoins the Little Malop Street Mall which was also part of the original public square, its connection with the surrounding urban environment is poor. The introverted architectural nature of Geelong’s two large retail shopping complexes has significantly altered the city’s spatial dynamic. The traditional intimate urban structure and streetscape has been fragmented. This has led to a deterioration of the city’s social cohesion, sense of place and economic prosperity. This paper chronicles the myriad errors of judgement by the institution of local government that have contributed to this situation. Heeding past mistakes, it explores ways in which the Council might work with private landowners to improve the permeability of the city’s public urban spaces and internalised retail centres for improved use, integration, functionality and resilience. Achieving a shared culture of concern for the city’s urban fabric presents some significant challenges. How might ‘big box’ shopping centres be reconsidered to make a positive contribution to the city’s urban spatial network while remaining commercially viable? The built environment has an important role to play in addressing the problem by presenting opportunities for these new urban institutions to also benefit from stronger connections between the public and private realm.

La Ordenación del Territorio en las Ciudades Globales Europeas: El caso de Madrid

En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

Gestures of judgement and welcome in public spaces: hypervisible migrant newcomers in Darwin, Australia

This paper draws on ethnographic research to show how pigmentation intensities of skin and facial characteristics make bodies of colour recognisable in public spaces of Darwin, a small multiethnic and multiracial north Australian city. This paper shows that the visibility of newcomers, in particular, humanitarian migrants from countries in Africa, the Middle East and Asia, circulates negative sentiments of fear, anxiety and discomfort in public spaces when instantaneous judgements are made. These judgements of misrecognition made by residents of diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds lead to simmering tensions that unfold as visceral events of vulnerability in public spaces such as bus interchanges, neighbourhood streets, shopping centres and car parks. These events that have the potential to wound and numb bodies contribute to the “urban unconscious” of Darwin as a city where public spaces are safe with heightened surveillance. This paper argues, however, that events of hypervisibility, judgement and interracial tensions can unfold quite differently in public spaces if humanitarian migrants sense gestures of welcome, particularly from Aboriginals. Such fleeting moments of welcome in Darwin have the potential to bring together bodies with different histories and geographies of racialisation, so that multiple publics emerge through everyday habits of living with difference.