938 resultados para White Race Privilege
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Objective: Evaluate the determinants of morbidity and mortality in an obstetric intensive care unit and professional medical skills of students/residents at a university hospital. Methods: observational cross - sectional with 492 pregnant/pue rperal women and 261 students/residents. Patients were admitted to the obstetric intensive care unit during a year, being informed about the proposals of the study and a questionnaire was applied. The analysis was performed using Microsoft Excel 2013 and G raphPad6. Chi - square tests were used to evaluate risk factors and student t test evaluates resident/students' skills concerning the cognitive test and the Mini - Cex. Results: the main risk factors to near miss were: non - white race (OR = 2.527; RR = 2.342) ; marital status(married women) (OR = 7.968; RR = 7.113) , schooling (primary) (OR = 3.177 ; RR = 2.829) , from country town (OR = 4.643 ; RR = 4.087), low income (OR = 7014 ; RR = 5.554) , gestational hypertensive disorders (OR = 16.35 ; RR = 13.27) , re alization of pre - natal (OR = 5.023 ; RR = 4.254) and C - section before labor(OR = 39.21 ; RR = 31.25). In cognitive/Mini - cex analysis were noted significant difference in the performance of students on the subject (3.75 ± 0.93, 4.03 ± 0.94 and 4.88 ± 0.35). We still observed the best performance of residents, when compared to graduation students (p < 0.01). Conclusions: the prevalence of near miss was associated with socioeconomic/clinics factors and care issues, revealing the importance of interventions to improve these indicators. In addition, we suggest a better curriculum insertion of this subject in the medical Course disciplines due the importance to avoid the near miss through of adequacy of medical education.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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As a recent teacher education graduate, I have been left with more questions than answers about how to create and maintain an equitable and antioppressive classroom. These complicated questions of equity laid the groundwork for this study, which explored how new teachers understood diversity, specifically whiteness, and how they connected these perceptions to their course-related experiences in their teacher education program. Using a qualitative approach, this study problematized the lack of critical discussions around diversity taking place in Ontario teacher education courses. Through purposive, homogenous sampling, 7 new Ontario educators participated in a semistructured interview that focused on their experiences as teacher candidates and new teachers and their understandings and ideas regarding diversity, race, and more specifically, whiteness. The findings suggest that the greater Canadian discourse surrounding multiculturalism impacts the everyday diversity talk of the participants, and that problematic ideas of acceptance and tolerance are common. The findings also show a strong discomfort and unfamiliarity among the participants with the terms whiteness and white privilege. Finally, the results also revealed that new teachers have limited experience in their teacher education to discuss and learn about diversity, particularly critical discussions about race and privilege. Through this investigation, I aimed to bring attention to the necessity of having these critical, albeit difficult, discussions around diversity and whiteness in order to support new, predominately white, teachers.
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This paper illustrates the opportunities afforded by the adoption of postcolonial discourse in development geography, drawing specifically on issues of transnationalism, hybridity and inbetweeness. The utility of such notions and associated approaches is illustrated by the authors' current research on the migration of young, second generation and foreign-born 'Bajan-Brits' to the small Caribbean island nation of Barbados, the homeland of their parents. Focussing on issues of 'race' and gender, the paper examines the experiences of return migration among this cohort from an interpretative perspective framed within postcolonial discourse. It argues that notwithstanding the considerable sociocultural problems of adjustment encountered, these Bajan-Brit 'returnees' may be seen as occupying positions of relative economic privilege. Theirs is a liminal space derived by virtue of having been born and/or raised in the UK and being of the black 'race'. Accordingly, they are demonstrated to be both advantaged and disadvantaged; both transnational and national; and black but, in some senses, symbolically white.
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This paper will explore how white privilege has been intertwined with the women's liberation movement in the United States. Feminism and its goals are described briefly and linked to an evaluation of white privilege within the movement. The feminist movement is explored throughout its three waves, including a class and race analysis of each separate period. In addition, this analysis focuses on how Black and Chicana women have been excluded from the mainstream, White, middle-class movement. Through the use of Social Dominance Theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), the prevalence and impact of oppression and hierarchy are explored. The implications of oppression and exclusion in the current political climate are followed by suggestions for aligning the goals and direction of feminism with social justice.
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Dr Kathy A. Mills provides a critical synthesis and review of the new book by Matthew W. Hughey entitle: White Bound: Nationalists, Antiractists, and the Shared Meanings of Race, published by Standford University Press in 2012. A sample of Dr Mills' review reads: "The author positions race squarely at the center to challenge the shared assumptions of white supremacist logic on both sides of the debate. The clever thesis blurs the boundaries between “good whites” and “bad whites”, rendering the white reader intellectually stimulated, but existentially unchanged – White Bound – as the author ponders: “Perhaps we have met the enemy, and he [it] is us” (p.193)...The unanswered question that remains is: How do we resist the various “shades” of white supremacy to pursue counter-hegemonic practices?"
Imaginging the good Indigenous citizen : race war and the pathology of partiarchal white sovereignty
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In June 2007, the Australian federal government sent military and policy into Indigenous communities in the Northern Territory on the premise that sexual abuse of children was rampant and a national crisis. This article draws on Foucault’s work on sovereignty and rights to argue that patriarchal white sovereignty as a regime of power deploys a discourse of pathology in the exercising of sovereign right to subjugate and discipline Indigenous people as good citizens.
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This chapter examines the personal reflections and experiences of several pre-service and newly graduated teachers, including Kristie, who were involved in the NETDS program. Their documented professional journeys, which include descriptions of struggling when their privileged, taken-for-granted ways of being were destabilized, and grappling with tensions related to their own predispositions and values, are investigated in the context of Whiteness and privilege theory.
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The paper is a critical argument foregrounding race, the senses, and the materials of literacy practices. The author argues that counter-colonial literacies in the contemporary times require openly acknowledgement of the influences of white imperialism and racism in dominant schooling practices. The first concern is narrow conceptions of literacy and schooling that follow a white racial script, and which function as a form of historical reproduction, control, and privilege. The second is the need to acknowledge the need to rediscover the sensory nature of literacy practices that is intrinsic to many cultures, and which is transformed in human interactions with new digital forms of textual production. The final argument is the need to attend to the materiality of literacy practices, including the meanings connected to the material ecology. This principle is particularly relevant to Indigenous culture and experience, but likewise, to all digital environments where the materials of literacy practices are continually shifting.
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This article considers the implications of the Troops to Teaching (TtT) programme, to be introduced in England in autumn 2013, for Initial Teacher Education (ITE) and race equality. TtT will fast-track ex-armed service members to teach in schools, without necessarily the requirement of a university degree. Employing theories of white supremacy, and Althusser’s (1971) concept of Ideological and Repressive State Apparatus, I argue that this initiative both stems from, and contributes to, a system of social privilege and oppression in education. Despite appearing to be aimed at all young people, the planned TtT initiative is actually aimed at poor and racially subordinated youth. This is likely to further entrench polarisation in a system which already provides two tier educational provision: TtT will be a programme for the inner-city disadvantaged, whilst wealthier, whiter schools will mostly continue to get highly qualified teachers. Moreover, TtT contributes to a wider devaluing of current ITE; ITE itself is rendered virtually irrelevant, as it seems TtT teachers will not be subject specialists, rather will be expected to provide military-style discipline, the skills for which they will be expected to bring with them. More sinister, I argue that TtT is part of the wider militarisation of education. This military-industrial-education complex seeks to contain and police young people who are marginalised along lines of race and class, and contributes to a wider move to increase ideological support for foreign wars - both aims ultimately in the service of neoliberal objectives which will feed social inequalities.