The Ford administration, Angola and the perception of Post-Vietnam US credibility, 1974-1976

This thesis is a study of how the Gerald Ford administration struggled to address a perceived loss of US credibility after the collapse of Vietnam, with a focus on the role of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in the formulation, implementation and subsequent defence of US Angolan policy. By examining the immediate post-Vietnam period, this thesis shows that Vietnam had a significant impact on Kissinger’s actions on Angola, which resulted in an ill conceived covert operation in another third world conflict. In 1974, Africa was a neglected region in Cold War US foreign policy, yet the effects of the Portuguese revolution led to a rapid decolonization of its African territories, of which Angola was to become the focus of superpower competition. After South Vietnam collapsed in April 1975, Kissinger became fixated on restoring the perceived loss of US prestige, Angola provided the first opportunity to address this. Despite objections from his advisors, Kissinger methodically engineered a covert program to assist two anti-Marxist guerrilla groups in Angola. As the crisis escalated, the media discovered the operation and the Congress decided to cease all funding. A period of heated tensions ensued, resulting in Kissinger creating a new African policy to outmanoeuvre his critics publicly, while privately castigating them to foreign leaders. This thesis argues that Kissinger’s dismissal of internal dissent and opposition from the Congress was influenced by what he perceived as bureaucrats being affected by the Vietnam syndrome, and his obsession with restoring US credibility. By looking at the private and public records – as expressed in government meetings and official reports, US newspaper and television coverage and diplomatic cables – this thesis addresses the question of how the lessons of Vietnam failed to influence Kissinger’s actions in Angola, but the lessons of Angola were heavily influential in the construction of a new US-African policy.

'"To have its cake and eat it too:" US policy toward South Africa during the Kennedy administration

The assumption that US policy toward Africa was characterized by continuity during the cold war has recently been challenged by scholars who argue that President John F. Kennedy embarked on an African policy that was distinct from his predecessors. This may be true for black Africa, but Kennedy’s support for African nationalism did not extend to South Africa. This article reveals that Kennedy’s cold war priorities ensured continuity in US policy toward the apartheid state and, in some cases, additional cooperation as cold war crises increased the perceived importance of South Africa as an ideological and strategic ally and bastion against communism on a rapidly changing continent. This article also explores the role South Africa’s apartheid government played in this cold war alliance. The ruling National Party recognized its importance to US foreign policy goals and used this to stave off serious American criticism of its racial policies, deflect attention in the United Nations, and ensure continued economic and military cooperation with the United States.

Congressional acquiescence to presidentialism in the US ‘War on Terror’

Congressional dominance theory holds that not only can the US Congress control the executive, it does. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the Bush administration's ensuing global 'war on terror' suggest a different result. Bush's response to 9/11 signalled not only new directions in US foreign and domestic policy but a new stage in the aggrandisement of presidential power in the United States and a further step in the marginalisation of the Congress. Informed by a constitutional doctrine unknown to the framers of the US Constitution, the Bush administration pursued a presidentialist or 'ultra-separationist' governing strategy that was disrespectful to the legislature's intended role in the separated system. Using its unilateral powers, in public and in secret, claiming 'inherent' authority from the Constitution, and exploiting the public's fear of a further terrorist attack and of endangering the lives of US troops abroad, the administration skilfully drove its legislation through the Congress. Occasionally, the Congress was able to extract concessions - notably in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when partisan control of the government was split - but more typically, for most of the period, the Congress acquiesced to administration demands, albeit with the consolation of minor concessions. The administration not only dominated the lawmaking process, it also cowed legislators into legitimating often highly controversial (and sometimes illegal) administration-determined definitions of counter-terrorism and national security policy. Certainly, the Congress undertook a considerable amount of oversight during the period of the 'war on terror'; lawmakers also complained. But the effects on policy were marginal. This finding held true for periods of Democratic as well as Republican majorities.

Thoughts upon the conduct of our administration in relation both to Great Britain and France, more especially in reference to the late negotiation, concerning the attack on the Chesapeake

Printed at the Repertory Office

Arguments by definition : Felipe Calderón’s war on drugs and the power to persuade

Les études rhétoriques ont documenté la pertinence de la rhétorique présidentielle et le pouvoir du président de définir les enjeux publics par le discours. Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques rhétoriques par lesquelles l'ancien président mexicain Calderón a défini la lutte contre la drogue qui a caractérisé son administration. Je soutiens que Calderón a avancé une définition du problème de la drogue par des pratiques de définition telles que l'association, la dissociation et les symboles de condensation. Mon analyse 1) identifie les pratiques rhétoriques de définition qui ont caractérisé la lutte à la drogue de Calderón; 2) examine les implications de ces pratiques; et 3) aborde les limites auxquelles les politiciens font face en tentant de modifier des définitions préalablement avancées. En conclusion, j’explique comment les métaphores et les pratiques de définition de Calderón ont ouvert un espace rhétorique où les droits humains pouvaient être révoqués et la violence encouragée.

Building a left coast: the legacy of the California Popular Front and the challenge to Cold War liberalism in the post-world war two era

The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.

The Cold War and its aftermath in the Americas: the search for a synthetic interpretation of U.S. policy

More than two decades have passed since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the transfer of the Cold War file from a daily preoccupation of policy makers to a more detached assessment by historians. Scholars of U.S.-Latin American relations are beginning to take advantage both of the distance in time and of newly opened archives to reflect on the four decades that, from the 1940s to the 1980s, divided the Americas, as they did much of the world. Others are seeking to understand U.S. policy and inter-American relations in the post-Cold War era, a period that not only lacks a clear definition but also still has no name. Still others have turned their gaze forward to offer policies in regard to the region for the new Obama administration. Numerous books and review essays have addressed these three subjects—the Cold War, the post-Cold War era, and current and future issues on the inter-American agenda. Few of these studies attempt, however, to connect the three subjects or to offer new and comprehensive theories to explain the course of U.S. policies from the beginning of the twentieth century until the present. Indeed, some works and policy makers continue to use the mind-sets of the Cold War as though that conflict were still being fought. With the benefit of newly opened archives, some scholars have nevertheless drawn insights from the depths of the Cold War that improve our understanding of U.S. policies and inter-American relations, but they do not address the question as to whether the United States has escaped the longer cycle of intervention followed by neglect that has characterized its relations with Latin America. Another question is whether U.S. policies differ markedly before, during, and after the Cold War. In what follows, we ask whether the books reviewed here provide any insights in this regard and whether they offer a compass for the future of inter-American relations. We also offer our own thoughts as to how their various perspectives could be synthesized to address these questions more comprehensively.

The political economy of maritime industry non-reform in interwar Australia: the establishment of the Maritime Services Board of New South Wales

From the First World War Australian port administration came under criticism from exporters, shipping companies and the Commonwealth government, all of whom argued that port authorities charges imposed an excessive burden on exporters. They sought the replacement of public port authorities by trusts representative of business interests. The campaign for port administration reform also diverted farmers from criticism of shipping freights and to secure their acquiescence in anti-competitive practices in the shipping industry. The formation of the Australian Overseas Transport Association in 1929 was the culmination of this campaign. Elite conservative political support for such anti-competitive practices reflected a belief that competitive capitalism was inherently unstable. The Scullin Labor of 1929-31 government abandoned Labor's earlier hostility to shipping companies to support cartelisation. Conservative state governments, in a more competitive electoral position than their federal counterparts and under greater financial pressure, deflected business calls for port administration reform. Business groups expected the NSW conservative government elected in 1932 to reform port administration towards a representative model, but the Maritime Services Board established in 1935 merely rationalised existing administrative structures. In the 1980s international economic instability legitimated the project of microeconomic reform, particularly in the maritime sector, but in the interwar period a different balance of capital, labour and the state meant that economic isolationism rather than integration was the policy outcome.

Soldier settlement after World War One in south western Victoria

This thesis addresses the physical aspects of farming on soldier settlement blocks in south west Victoria. The undeveloped land, high establishment costs, stock losses through animal diseases and lack of managerial skills all contributed to the settlers' inability to meet their financial commitments. These factors are analysed, as are the effects of declining rural commodities prices during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the relationship between the settlers and the successive administrative agencies is examined. The scheme was administered by the Closer Settlement Board from its inception until 1932 and much of the discussion during this period concerns the interaction between settler and inspector. Soldier settlement after World War One represented one of the last attempts to create a large body of 'yeoman' farmers. From the early 1920s there was an increasing dichotomy between the 'yeoman' and the 'managerial' ideologies. This dichotomy placed additional pressure on soldier settlers who were expected to be 'efficient' without adequate finances. In the post C.S.B. era, the focus shifts to the attempts by the Closer Settlement Commission to salvage the scheme and its greater understanding of the problems faced by the settlers. While this part of the thesis necessarily becomes more political, the physical and financial environment in which the soldier settlers worked was still an important factor in their success or failure. Unlike the C.S.B. which tended to blame soldier settlers for their situation, the Commission acknowledged that settlers' ability to succeed was often constrained by circumstances beyond their control. Under the latter administration, instalments were written off, additional land was allocated and finally the blocks were revalued to guarantee the men at least some equity in their farms. Those settlers who had survived until these changes were instituted received a 'successful outcome of their life's work'.

'Royal science' and civil war in Sri Lanka : a comment on S. Goonatilake

In highlighting the relationship between the production of knowledge, the administration of government and the formation of subject–citizens in colonial systems, post-colonialism has arguably found its most fertile field of inquiry and revision in South Asia. The reasons for this are complex and relate, in part, to the nature of both colonial administration and the colonised civilisations to be found in the region, as well as to the nature of the different independence movements—many of these persisting well beyond the formal grants of independence in the late 1940s. Also important is the emerging post-colonial middle class, its transnational interconnections comprising inter alia extensive participation in knowledge/information economies, and its ‘organic intellectuals’ (Gramsci 1971) whose work represents the interests of their class. In other words, the tremendous insights offered by post-colonial theory into the nature of latent or implicit power relations to be found in forms of knowledge reveal the ongoing complicity of scholarship in government. Post-colonialism, thus, raises the issue of how the nexus of knowledge and power translates into contemporary situations—the post-colonial predicament (Breckenridge and van der Veer 1993).

US policy toward rogue states: Comparing the Bush administration's policy toward Iraq and North Korea

The George W. Bush administration resorted to war to respond to the threat of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, whereas it virtually ruled out the use of force to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue. By utilizing various strands of realist international relations theories, we trace motivations behind the administration's divergent foreign-policy choices toward rogue states. That the United States rushed to war against Iraq while procrastinating on North Korea presents a puzzle to conventional realism, which postulates that great powers observe changes in relative capabilities and respond accordingly. We argue that policy differences should be embedded in discussion of the administration's foreign-policy grand strategy, which sought to sustain the hegemonic status of the United States in the world. Iraq and North Korea had different implications for Bush's grand strategy, thereby calling for different approaches. By tracing the strategic design of the Bush administration, we attempt to provide a more complete account of policy differences toward rogue states, as well as indicate the significant changes in US policy during the George W. Bush administration and since.

Amphotericin B nano-formulations : development, characterisation and suitability for oral administration

In der Form von Nanokapseln (AmB-HST), Nanoemulsion beziehungsweise multilamellaren Vesikeln (MLV) wurden drei Amphotericin-B-Formulierungen für die orale Applikation entwickelt, charakterisiert und verglichen. Die neuartige homogene Nanokapsel-Formulierung des hydrophoben Polyen-Antimykotikums Amphotericin B wurde in Analogie zu einem für Simvastatin und andere Arzneistoffe etablierten Prozess aus der Reinsubstanz, Lezithin und Gelatine mit Hilfe des HST-Verfahrens hergestellt. Photometrische Untersuchungen zeigten, dass das Endprodukt aus Monomeren aufgebaut ist. Mittels Mikroskopie ließen sich die Aggregate vor der Umhüllung mit Lezithin und Gelatine im Ausgangsmaterial als individuelle kugelförmige Arzneistoffpartikel darstellen. Strukturuntersuchungen mit dynamischer licht streuung (DLS) zeigten eine enge Größenverteilung der verkapselten Partikel von ca. 1 µm. Die Struktur der Hülle der HST-Partikel wurde erstmalig mit Neutronenstreuung unter Verwendung der Deuterium-basierten Lösungsmittel kontrastmethode aufgeklärt. Durch die teilweise Kontrastmaskierung des Partikelkerns bei der Neutronenstreuung konnte die Lezithin-Gelatine-Hülle als eine dünne, 5,64 ± 0.18 nm dicke Schicht aufgelöst werden, welche der biologischen Lipidmembran ähnlich, im Vergleich aber geringfügig größer ist. Dieses Resultat eröffnet Wege für die Optimierung der Formulierung von pharmazeutischen Nanopartikeln, z.B. durch Oberflächenmodifizierungen. Weitere Untersuchungen mittels Kleinwinkelneutronenstreuung unter Verwendung der D-Kontrastvariation deuten darauf hin, dass die Komponenten der Nanokapseln nicht den gleichen Masseschwerpunkt haben, sondern asymmetrisch aufgebaut sind und dass die stärker streuenden Domänen weiter außen liegen. Die Partikel sind im Vergleich zu Liposomen dichter. In-Vitro Freisetzungsstudien belegen das Solubilisierungsvermögen des HST-Systems, wonach die Freisetzung des Arzneistoffes aus der Formulierung zu allen gemessenen Zeitpunkten höher als diejenige der Reinsubstanz war. rnDie Nanoemulsion-Formulierung von Amphotericin B wurde mit einem Öl und Tensid system, jedoch mit unterschiedlichen Co-Solvenzien, erfolgreich entwickelt. Gemäß der Bestimmung der Löslichkeit in verschiedenen Hilfsstoffen erwies sich der Arzneistoff Amphotericin B als nicht-lipophil, gleichzeitig aber auch als nicht-hydrophil. Die zur Ermittlung der für die Emulsionsbildung notwendigen Hilfstoffkonzentrationen erstellten ternären Diagramme veranschaulichten, dass hohe Öl- und Tensidgehalte zu keiner Emulsionsbildung führten. Dementsprechend betrug der höchste Ölgehalt 10%. Die Tröpfchengröße wuchs mit zunehmender Tensidkonzentration, wobei die Co-Solventmenge der Propylenglykol-haltigen Nanoemulsion indirekt verringert wurde. Für die Transcutol®P-haltige Nanoemulsion hingegen wurde das Gegenteil beobachtet, nämlich eine Abnahme der Tröpfchengröße bei steigenden Tensidkonzentrationen. Durch den Einschluss des Arzneistoffes wurde nicht die Viskosität der Formulierung, sondern die Tröpfchengröße beeinflusst. Der Wirkstoffeinschluss führte zu höheren Tröpfchengrößen. Mit zunehmender Propylenglykolkonzentration wurde der Wirkstoffgehalt erhöht, mit zunehmender Transcutol®P-Konzentration dagegen vermindert. UV/VIS-spektroskopische Analysen deuten darauf hin, dass in beiden Formulierungen Amphotericin B als Monomer vorliegt. Allerdings erwiesen sich die Formulierungen Caco-2-Zellen und humanen roten Blutkörperchen gegenüber als toxisch. Da die Kontrollproben eine höhere Toxizität als die wirkstoffhaltigen Formulierungen zeigten, ist die Toxizität nicht nur auf Amphotericin, sondern auch auf die Hilfsstoffe zurückzuführen. Die solubilisierte Wirkstoffmenge ist in beiden Formulierungen nicht ausreichend im Hinblick auf die eingesetzte Menge an Hilfsstoff nach WHO-Kriterien. Gemäß diesen Untersuchungen erscheinen die Emulsions-Formulierungen für die orale Gabe nicht geeignet. Dennoch sind Tierstudien notwendig, um den Effekt bei Tieren sowie die systemisch verfügbare Wirkstoffmenge zu ermitteln. Dies wird bestandskräftige Schlussfolgerungen bezüglich der Formulierung und Aussagen über mögliche Perspektiven erlauben. Nichtsdestotrotz sind die Präkonzentrate sehr stabil und können bei Raumtemperatur gelagert werden.rnDie multilamellar-vesikulären Formulierungen von Amphotericin B mit ungesättigten und gesättigten neutralen Phospholipiden und Cholesterin wurden erfolgreich entwickelt und enthielten nicht nur Vesikel, sondern auch zusätzliche Strukturen bei zunehmender Cholesterinkonzentration. Mittels Partikelgrößenanalyse wurden bei den Formulierungen mit gesättigten Lipiden Mikropartikel detektiert, was abhängig von der Alkylkettenlänge war. Mit dem ungesättigten Lipid (DOPC) konnten hingegen Nanopartikel mit hinreichender Verkapselung und Partikelgrößenverteilung gebildet werden. Die Ergebnisse der thermischen und FTIR-spektroskopischen Analyse, welche den Einfluss des Arzneistoffes ausschließen ließen, liefern den Nachweis für die mögliche, bereits in der Literatur beschriebene Einlagerung des Wirkstoffs in lipid- und/oder cholesterinreiche Membranen. Mit Hilfe eines linearen Saccharosedichtegradienten konnte die Formulierung in Vesikel und Wirkstoff-Lipid-Komplexe nach bimodaler Verteilung aufgetrennt werden, wobei der Arzneistoff stärker mit den Komplexen als mit den Vesikeln assoziiert ist. Bei den Kleinwinkelneutronenstreu-Experimenten wurde die Methode der Kontrastvariation mit Erfolg angewendet. Dabei konnte gezeigt werden, dass Cholesterol in situ einen Komplex mit Amphotericin B bildet. Diesen Sachverhalt legt unter anderem die beobachtete Differenz in der äquivalenten Streulängendichte der Wirkstoff-Lipid- und Wirkstoff-Lipid-Cholesterin-haltigen kleinen unilamellaren Vesikeln nahe. Das Vorkommen von Bragg-Peaks im Streuprofil weist auf Domänen hin und systematische Untersuchungen zeigten, dass die Anzahl der Domänen mit steigendem Cholesteringehalt zunimmt, ab einem bestimmten Grenzwert jedoch wieder abnimmt. Die Domänen treten vor allem nahe der Außenfläche der Modellmembran auf und bestätigen, dass der Wirkstoff in den Cholesterinreichen Membranen vertikal eingelagert ist. Die Formulierung war sowohl Caco-2-Zellen als auch humanen roten Blutkörperchen gegenüber nicht toxisch und erwies sich unter Berücksichtigung der Aufnahme in Caco-2-Zellen als vielversprechend für die orale Applikation. Die Formulierung zeigt sich somit aussichtsreich und könnte in Tabletten weiterverarbeitet werden. Ein Filmüberzug würde den Wirkstoff gegen die saure Umgebung im Magen schützen. Für die Bestimmung der systemischen Verfügbarkeit der Formulierung sind Tierstudien notwendig. Die entwickelten multilamellaren Formulierungen einschließlich der Wirkstoff-Cholesterin-Komplexe bieten somit gute Aussichten auf die mögliche medizinische Anwendung. rnrn

From Unsuitable Ally to Vital Parter: The Case of US-Korean Relations and The Vietnam War, 1954-1966

This is the history of the decade prior to the entrance of Korean troops into the Vietnam War, roughly covering the years 1953-1965.