866 resultados para Violent crimes


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Mode of access: Internet.

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"January 1999."

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"May 1996."

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Human scent, or the volatile organic compounds (VOCs) produced by an individual, has been recognized as a biometric measurement because of the distinct variations in both the presence and abundance of these VOCs between individuals. In forensic science, human scent has been used as a form of associative evidence by linking a suspect to a scene/object through the use of human scent discriminating canines. The scent most often collected and used with these specially trained canines is from the hands because a majority of the evidence collected is likely to have been handled by the suspect. However, the scents from other biological specimens, especially those that are likely to be present at scenes of violent crimes, have yet to be explored. Hair, fingernails and saliva are examples of these types of specimens. ^ In this work, a headspace solid phase microextraction gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (HS-SPME-GC-MS) technique was used for the identification of VOCs from hand odor, hair, fingernails and saliva. Sixty individuals were sampled and the profiles of the extracted VOCs were evaluated to assess whether they could be used for distinguishing individuals. Preliminary analysis of the biological specimens collected from an individual (intra-subject) showed that, though these materials have some VOCs in common, their overall chemical profile is different for each specimen type. Pair-wise comparisons, using Spearman Rank correlations, were made between the chemical profiles obtained from each subject, per a specimen type. Greater than 98.8% of the collected samples were distinguished from the subjects for all of the specimen types, demonstrating that these specimens can be used for distinguishing individuals. ^ Additionally, field trials were performed to determine the utility of these specimens as scent sources for human scent discriminating canines. Three trials were conducted to evaluate hair, fingernails and saliva in comparison to hand odor, which was considered the standard source of human odor. It was revealed that canines perform similarly to these alternative human scent sources as they do to hand odor implying that, though there are differences in the chemical profiles released by these specimens, they can still be used for the discrimination of individuals by trained canines.^

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Previous research on person perception has shown that people form first impressions with remarkable speed and accuracy, but relatively little is known about the speed and accuracy of trustworthiness judgments across cultures. The present research examined these by asking Chinese and Canadians to infer trustworthiness from faces of criminals and non-criminals from different cultural backgrounds across two domains (i.e., financial crime in Study 1 and violent crime in Study 2). Across both studies, we found that when participants were given time and opportunity, Chinese tended to take a longer time than Canadians to make trustworthiness judgments (although this difference did not reach statistical significance in Study 2). In Study 1, we found that perceivers from both cultures were accurate at judging European North Americans (ENA) corporate criminals as less trustworthy than ENA non-criminal executives, although they did not differentiate Asian corporate criminals from Asian non-criminal executives. In Study 2, we found that perceivers from both cultures were accurate at judging both Asian and ENA violent criminals as less trustworthy than Asian and ENA non-criminals. Chinese were also accurate at rating Middle Eastern violent criminals as less trustworthy than Middle Eastern non-criminals, but Canadians did not differentiate them in terms of their trustworthiness ratings. In terms of their crime likelihood ratings, however, both Chinese and Canadians accurately rated all the criminals as more likely to commit violent crimes than the non-criminals, regardless of the targets’ ethnicities. Finally, we discussed some of the practical implications of our findings on detection of deception, as well as how providing a context for trustworthiness judgments might have played an important role in people’s judgmental accuracy.

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University of Buffalo New York Department of Art Gallery. The ancient philosopher Protagoras is most famous for his claim: “Of all things the measure is Man” and today, Western societies continue to promote anthropocentrism, an approach to the world that assumes humans are the principal species of the planet. We naturalize a scale of worth, in which beings that most resemble our own forms or benefit us are valued over those that do not. The philosophy of humanism has been trumpeted as the hallmark of a civilized society, founded on the unquestioned value of humankind defining not only our economic, political, religious, and social systems, but also our ethical code. However, artists recently have questioned whether humanism has actually lived up to its promises and made the world a better place for humankind. Are we better off privileging humans above all else or could there be other, preferable, ways to value life? With the continued prevalence of violent crimes, even genocide, in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, we see the ways in which the discourse of humanism falters, as groups are targeted through rhetoric reducing them to the subhuman, and therefore disposable. But what if the subhuman, nonhuman, and even the non-animal and material, were reconsidered as objects of worth even if far removed from us?

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Human scent, or the volatile organic compounds (VOCs) produced by an individual, has been recognized as a biometric measurement because of the distinct variations in both the presence and abundance of these VOCs between individuals. In forensic science, human scent has been used as a form of associative evidence by linking a suspect to a scene/object through the use of human scent discriminating canines. The scent most often collected and used with these specially trained canines is from the hands because a majority of the evidence collected is likely to have been handled by the suspect. However, the scents from other biological specimens, especially those that are likely to be present at scenes of violent crimes, have yet to be explored. Hair, fingernails and saliva are examples of these types of specimens. In this work, a headspace solid phase microextraction gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (HS-SPME-GC-MS) technique was used for the identification of VOCs from hand odor, hair, fingernails and saliva. Sixty individuals were sampled and the profiles of the extracted VOCs were evaluated to assess whether they could be used for distinguishing individuals. Preliminary analysis of the biological specimens collected from an individual (intra-subject) showed that, though these materials have some VOCs in common, their overall chemical profile is different for each specimen type. Pair-wise comparisons, using Spearman Rank correlations, were made between the chemical profiles obtained from each subject, per a specimen type. Greater than 98.8% of the collected samples were distinguished from the subjects for all of the specimen types, demonstrating that these specimens can be used for distinguishing individuals. Additionally, field trials were performed to determine the utility of these specimens as scent sources for human scent discriminating canines. Three trials were conducted to evaluate hair, fingernails and saliva in comparison to hand odor, which was considered the standard source of human odor. It was revealed that canines perform similarly to these alternative human scent sources as they do to hand odor implying that, though there are differences in the chemical profiles released by these specimens, they can still be used for the discrimination of individuals by trained canines.

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The police interview is one of the most important investigative tools that law enforcement has close at hand, and police interview methods have changed during the twentieth century. A good police interview is conducted in the frame of the law, is governed by the interview goal, and is influenced by facilitating factors that may affect the elicited report. The present doctoral dissertation focuses on police interviews in cases of very serious crimes of violence and sexual offences. Results reveal crime victims’ and perpetrators’ experiences of being interviewed and police officers’ attitudes towards conducting interviews related to traumatizing crimes. Study 1 revealed that when police officers interviewed murderers and sexual offenders, the interviewees perceived attitudes characterized by either dominance or humanity. Police interviews marked by dominance and suspects’ responses of anxiety were mainly associated with a higher proportion of denials, whereas an approach marked by humanity, and responses of being respected were significantly associated with admissions. In line with Study 1, the victims of rape and aggravated assault in Study 2 also revealed the experience of two police interview styles, where an interviewing style marked by dominance and responses of anxiety was significantly associated with crime victims’ omissions of information. Moreover, a humanitarian interviewing style, and crime victims’ feelings of being respected and co-operative, was significantly related to crime victims providing all information from painful events. Special squad police officers’ attitudes towards interviewing crime victims, in Study 3, also showed a humanitarian approach and two dominant approaches, one affective and the other refusing. The attitude towards interviewing suspects of crimes in focus revealed humanitarian and dominant interviewing attitudes, and an approach marked by kindness. The present thesis shows that, during their entire career, an overwhelming majority of the special squad police officers have experienced stressful events during patrol as well as investigative duty. Results show that symptoms from stressful event exposures and coping mechanisms are associated with negative attitudes towards interviewing suspects and supportive attitudes towards crime victim interviews. Thus, experiences from stressful exposures may automatically activate ego-defensive functions that automatically generate dominant attitudes. Moreover, it is important to offer police officers who have been exposed to stressful events the opportunity to work through their experiences, for example, through debriefing procedures. After debriefings, police officers are better prepared to meet crime victims and suspects and, through conscious closed-loop processes, to conduct police interviews without awaking ego-defensive functions.

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A presente tese tem o objetivo de promover uma análise sobre a norma penal brasileira que versa sobre a violenta emoção, com base no estudo teórico da ação criminal passional. Tem por objeto de estudos a discussão sobre a temporalidade psíquica da ação que sustenta as distinções no instituto jurídico da violenta emoção apresentada nos artigos 28; 65, III, c; 121 1 e 129 4 do Código Penal Brasileiro. A partir de uma construção genealógica, buscou-se os antecedentes históricos dessas leis, posteriormente, interpretadas à luz de conceitos psicanalíticos e de contribuições da antropologia social acerca do imaginário cultural que sustenta a eclosão e o julgamento de crimes na esfera amorosa. O método de trabalho consistiu em um estudo teórico de caráter dedutivo-construtivo baseado em fontes oriundas de diferentes campos teórico-práticos e também de consultas abertas feitas a juristas e estudiosos da criminologia. As transformações históricas nos julgamentos indicam uma transposição da antiga indulgência em relação aos criminosos ao atual apelo por recrudescimento das penas, demonstrando que justificar ou punir crimes sob a rubrica da violenta emoção ligados à esfera amorosa representa um sintoma atrelado ao contexto social. O conceito de "violenta emoção" está sujeito a reducionismos teóricos, devido à ênfase dada à dimensão da "culpabilidade consciente" no sistema jurídico, ao predomínio de interpretações ligadas aos aspectos psicofisiológicos do ímpeto, bem como à incipiente atenção dada às condições inconscientes culturalmente determinantes do ato criminal violento em casais. Desse modo, o texto dos referidos artigos pode servir indevidamente à diminuição da pena em crimes envolvendo casais, assim como a devida atenuação pode ser desconsiderada quando a/o ré/u sofre de privações sociais e psíquicas prolongadas constitutivas de um mal-estar passional por vezes dissociado do tempo da ação. Com as limitações apontadas, reconhece-se a importância da existência da referência à violenta emoção enquanto uma atenuante criminal genérica e critica-se a sua aplicação como "privilégio" de diminuição de pena em crimes de ímpeto em casais. O estudo psicanalítico historicizado do tema assevera a necessidade de realçar tanto a responsabilidade subjetiva ligada à atualização de um potencial psicopatológico, mas, também, a responsabilidade social em relação aos crimes passionais, enfatizando a importância de se criar alternativas à resposta penal, buscando promover uma leitura e interpretação cuidadosa dos artigos sobre a violenta emoção no sentido de propiciar melhor entendimento da temporalidade inconsciente inerente a esses crimes.

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This study uses a new data set of crime ratesfor a large sample of countriesfor the period 1970- 1994, based on information from the United Nations World Crime Surveys, to ana/yze the determinants ofnational homicide and robbery rates. A simple model of the incentives to commit crimes is proposed, which explicit/y considers possible causes of the persistence of crime over time (criminal inertia). Several econometric mode/s are estimated, attempting to capture the . determinonts of crime rates across countries and over time. The empirical mode/s are first run for cross-sections and then applie'd to panel data. The former focus on erplanatory variables that do not change markedly over time, while the panel data techniques consider both the eflect of the business cyc1e (i.e., GDP growth rate) on the crime rate and criminal inertia (accountedfor by the inclusion of the /agged crime rate as an explanatory variable). The panel data techniques a/so consider country-specific eflects, the joint endogeneity of some of the erplanatory variables, and lhe existence of some types of measurement e"ors aJjlicting the crime data. The results showthat increases in income inequality raise crime rates, dete"ence eflects are significant, crime tends to be counter-cyclical, and criminal inertia is significant even after controlling for other potential determinants of homicide and robbery rates.

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The United States¿ Federal and State laws differentiate between acceptable (or, legal) and unacceptable (illegal) behavior by prescribing restrictive punishment to citizens and/or groups that violate these established rules. These regulations are written to treat every person equally and to fairly serve justice; furthermore, the sanctions placed on offenders seek to reform illegal behavior through limitations on freedoms and rehabilitative programs. Despite the effort to treat all offenders fairly regardless of social identity categories (e.g., sex, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, ability, and gender and sexual orientation) and to humanely eliminate illegal behavior, the American penal system perpetuates de facto discrimination against a multitude of peoples. Furthermore, soaring recidivism rates caused by unsuccessful re-entry of incarcerated offenders puts economic stress on Federal and State budgets. For these reasons, offenders, policy-makers, and law-abiding citizens should all have a vested interest in reforming the prison system. This thesis focuses on the failure of the United States corrections system to adequately address the gender-specific needs of non-violent female offenders. Several factors contribute to the gender-specific discrimination that women experience in the criminal justice system: 1) Trends in female criminality that skew women¿s crime towards drug-related crimes, prostitution, and property offenses; 2) Mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes that are disproportionate to the crime committed; 3) So-called ¿gender-neutral¿ educational, vocational, substance abuse, and mental health programming that intends to equally rehabilitate men and women, but in fact favors men; and 4) The isolating nature of prison structures that inhibits smooth re-entry into society. I argue that a shift in the placement and treatment of non-violent female offenders is necessary for effective rehabilitation and for reducing recidivism rates. The first component of this shift is the design and implementation of gender- responsive treatment (GRT) rather than gender-neutral approaches in rehabilitative programming. The second shift is the utilization of alternatives to incarceration, which provide both more humane treatment of offenders and smoother reintegration to society. Drawing on recent scholarship, information from prison advocacy organizations, and research with men in an alternative program, I provide a critical analysis of current policies and alternative programs, and suggest several proposals for future gender- responsive programs in prisons and in place of incarceration. I argue that the expansion of gender-responsive programming and alternatives to incarceration respond to the marginalization of female offenders, address concerns about the financial sustainability of the United States criminal justice system, and tackle high recidivism rates.

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I propose a dual conceptualization of violent crime. Since violent crime is both violence and crime, theories of aggression and deviance are required to understand it. I argue that both harm-doing and rule breaking are instrumental behaviors and that a bounded rational choice approach can account for both behaviors. However, while some of the causes of harm-doing and deviance (and violent and nonviolent crime) are the same, some are different. Theories of crime and deviance cannot explain why one only observes individual and group differences in violent crime and theories of aggression and violence cannot explain why one observes differences in all types of crimes. Such theories are “barking up the wrong tree.”

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In the years following the fall of Slobodan Milo evic, Serbian social, cultural and political responses to the wars of the 1990s have fallen under intense international scrutiny. But is this scrutiny justfied, and how can these responses be better understood? Jelena Obradovic engages with ideas about post-conflict societies, memory, cultural trauma, and national myths of victimhood and justified war to shed light upon Serbian denial and justification of war crimes - for example, Serbia's reluctant cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Rather than treating denial as a failure to come to terms with the past or as resurgent nationalism, Obradovic argues that the justification of atrocities are often the result of a societal need to understand and incorporate violent events within culturally acceptable boundaries.

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This practice-led research was initiated in response to a series of violent encounters that occurred between my fragile installations and viewers. The central focus of this study was to recuperate my installation practice in the wake of such events. This led to the development of a ‘responsive practice’ methodology, which reframed the installation process through an ethical lens developed from Emmanuel Levinas’ ethical phenomenology. The central propositions of this research are the reconceptualisation of ‘violent encounters’ in terms of difference whereby I accept viewers responses, even those which are violent, destructive or damaging, and secondly that the process operates as a generative excess for practice through which recuperative strategies can be found and implemented. By re-examining this process as it unfolded in the three phases of the practical component, I developed strategies whereby violated, destroyed or damaged works could be recuperated through the processes of reconfiguration, reparation and regeneration. Therefore my installations embody and articulate vulnerability but also demonstrate resilience and renewal.

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The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the relationship between crime and morality, with a specific focus on crimes against morality. While we argue that all crimes have a general moral basis, condemned as wrong or bad and proscribed by society, there is a specific group of offences in modern democratic nations labelled crimes against morality. Included within this group are offences related to prostitution, pornography and homosexuality. What do these crimes have in common? Most clearly they tend to have a sexual basis and are often argued to do sexual harm, in both a moral and /or psychological sense, as well as physically. Conversely they are often argued to be victimless crimes, especially when the acts occur between consenting adults. Finally they are considered essentially private acts but they often occur, and are regulated, in the public domain. Most importantly, each of these crimes against morality has only relatively recently (ie in the past 150 years) become identified and regulated by the state as a criminal offence.