898 resultados para Urban structure, Community, roads Infrastructure, dysfunctional city, spatial conecvtivity


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The discipline of architecture focuses on designing the built environment in response to the needs of society, reflecting culture through materials and forms. The physical boundaries of the city have become blurred through the integration of digital media, connecting the physical environment with the digital. In the recent past the future was imagined as highly technological; Ridley Scott’s Blade Runner is set in 2019 and introduces a polluted world where supersized screens inject advertisements in the cluttered urban space. Now, in 2014 screens are central to everyday life, but in a completely different way in respect to what had been imagined. Through ubiquitous computing and social media, information is abundant. Digital technologies have changed the way people relate to urban form supporting discussion on multiple levels, allowing citizens to be more vocal than ever before. Bottom-up campaigns to oppose anticipated developments or to suggest intervention in the way cities are designed, are a common situation in several parts of the world. For some extent governments and local authorities are trying to engage with developing technologies, but a common issue is that social media cannot be controlled or filtered as can be done with more traditional consultation methods. We question how designers can use the affordances of urban informatics to obtain and navigate useful social information to inform architectural and urban design. This research investigates different approaches to engage communities in the debate on the built environment. Physical and digital discussions have been initiated to capture citizens’ opinions on the use and design of public places. Online platforms, urban screens, mobile apps and guerrilla techniques are explored in the context of Brisbane, Australia.

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Architecture focuses on designing built environments in response to society’s needs, reflecting culture through materials and forms. The physical boundaries of the city have become blurred through the integration of digital media, connecting the physical environment with the digital. In the recent past the future was imagined as highly technological; 1982 Ridley Scott’s Blade Runner is set in 2019 and introduces a world where supersized screens inject advertisements in the cluttered urban space. Now, in 2015 screens are central to everyday life, but in a completely different way in respect to what had been imagined. Through ubiquitous computing and social media, information is abundant. Digital technologies have changed the way people relate to cities supporting discussion on multiple levels, allowing citizens to be more vocal than ever before. We question how architects can use the affordances of urban informatics to obtain and navigate useful social information to inform design. This chapter investigates different approaches to engage communities in the debate on cities, in particular it aims to capture citizens’ opinions on the use and design of public places. Physical and digital discussions have been initiated to capture citizens’ opinions on the use and design of public places. In addition to traditional consultation methods, Web 2.0 platforms, urban screens, and mobile apps are used in the context of Brisbane, Australia to explore contemporary strategies of engagement (Gray 2014).

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Cities are key locations where Sustainability needs to be addressed at all levels, as land is a finite resource. However, not all urban spaces are exploited at best, and land developers often evaluate unused, misused, or poorly-designed urban portions as impracticable constraints. Further, public authorities lose the challenge to enable and turn these urban spaces into valuable opportunities where Sustainable Urban Development may flourish. Arguing that these spatial elements are at the centre of SUD, the paper elaborates a prototype in the form of a conceptual strategic planning framework, committed to an effective recycling of the city spaces using a flexible and multidisciplinary approach. Firstly, the research focuses upon a broad review of Sustainability literature, highlighting established principles and guidelines, building a sound theoretical base for the new concept. Hence, it investigates origins, identifies and congruently suggests a definition, characterisation and classification for urban “R-Spaces”. Secondly, formal, informal and temporary fitting functions are analysed and inserted into a portfolio meant to enhance adaptability and enlarge the choices for the on-site interventions. Thirdly, the study outlines ideal quality requirements for a sustainable planning process. Then, findings are condensed in the proposal, which is articulated in the individuation of tools, actors, plans, processes and strategies. Afterwards, the prototype is tested upon case studies: Solar Community (Casalecchio di Reno, Bologna) and Hyllie Sustainable City Project, the latter developed via an international workshop (ACSI-Camp, Malmö, Sweden). Besides, the qualitative results suggest, inter alia, the need to right-size spatial interventions, separate structural and operative actors, involve synergies’ multipliers and intermediaries (e.g. entrepreneurial HUBs, innovation agencies, cluster organisations…), maintain stakeholders’ diversity and create a circular process open for new participants. Finally, the paper speculates upon a transfer of the Swedish case study to Italy, and then indicates desirable future researches to favour the prototype implementation.

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Nagele es un asentamiento urbano situado en el Noordoostpolder, territorio neerlandés ganado al mar. Fue diseñado por arquitectos de los grupos De 8 en Opbouw entre los que destacaron Rietveld, Van Eesteren, Van Eyck, Bakema, Stam y Ruys. El proyecto se desarrolló entre 1947 y 1956, un periodo de tiempo con formas de proyectar muy ricas en interpretaciones. Los arquitectos pusieron en crisis los planteamientos historicistas de las nuevas poblaciones de los pólderes. Propusieron un nuevo prototipo, una morfología compacta y concéntrica que transmitiría igualdad a una comunidad agrícola, entendida como una sociedad urbana del siglo XX. La administración apoyó la propuesta que convertiría el proyecto en un arriesgado reto por su falta de antecedentes. La vigencia de las formulaciones permanece hoy en día en la ciudad construida, aunque con alteraciones. En los dibujos del proceso se encuentran los principales enunciados teóricos que este trabajo pretende descubrir. El trabajo aborda aspectos no suficientemente explorados, como su relación con el pólder, la evolución de las estrategias proyectivas, la ordenación paisajista y los elementos urbanos. El Noordoostpolder es la culminación de una serie de experiencias multidisciplinares en el reclamo de tierras a gran escala. Se estudia su estructura urbana policéntrica, la parcelación agrícola que origina el proyecto urbano y la vinculación de la vegetación con la infraestructura, proporcionando orientación, protección climática y escala humana, conceptos que impregnan las estrategias del proyecto urbano. La primera fase de la ordenación configuró áreas monofuncionales que respondían a cada una de las cuatro necesidades básicas del método científico de la ciudad higienista. El acontecimiento que marcó el final de la primera fase fue su presentación en el séptimo CIAM de 1949, cuyo título fue Aplicación de la Carta de Atenas. El programa residencial se dividió en clusters organizados en torno a una pradera vecinal central, vinculándose el orden vecinal, urbano y territorial. La segunda fase fue un catalizador de nuevos planteamientos. El proyecto se transformó en un In-between Realm, un escenario teórico donde coexisten fenómenos tradicionalmente antagónicos que Van Eyck denominó Twin Phenomena, convirtiéndose la ciudad en una réplica formal de la ambivalencia de la mente humana. La indefinición espacial no programada en la propuesta anterior se transformó en un conjunto de espacios urbanos, con límites y dimensiones adaptados a la escala humana. El proyecto es anterior a la obra escrita de Van Eyck por lo que estimuló sus enunciados teóricos. Unas ideas también reconocidas en los tres CIAM posteriores en los que también se expuso el proyecto. El diseño paisajista se integra en el proyecto urbano desde sus orígenes. El límite se compone de una barrera boscosa que protege climáticamente, proporciona escala humana y control visual frente a las llanuras infinitas del pólder. Van Eyck sintetizó el proyecto como una habitación verde sin techo, afirmación que dilucida su equivalencia con el de un interior doméstico. Exteriormente la ciudad se convierte en una unidad autónoma del territorio. Interiormente, un sistema jerarquizado de vegetación vinculado a la arquitectura y la infraestructura constituye espacios urbanos de diferentes escalas. La propuesta fue transformada por Boer y Ruys en un nuevo espacio urbano único, no asimilando los conceptos anteriores. El proyecto y construcción de los primeros elementos urbanos consistió en un reparto de tareas a De 8 en Opbouw, hecho que estimula estudiar su relación con el proyecto urbano. La estructura policéntrica organiza las aulas de las escuelas de Van Eyck, las diferentes áreas confesionales del cementerio de Ruys y las unidades residenciales, diseñadas por Stam, Rietveld y Stam-Besse. Los Twin Phenomena alcanzan un acuerdo en el corredor comercial, diseñado por Bakema y Van der Broek. La generación de espacios dentro de otros aparece también en el cementerio, a través de una nueva barrera boscosa y en el sistema de pliegues del muro que configura la iglesia de Bakema y Van der Broek. El proyecto se vincula a un planteamiento holístico, mediante el que el diseño de cada uno de sus elementos tiene en cuenta las estrategias proyectivas del todo del cual forma parte, convirtiéndose, al igual que las obras de De Stijl, en parte de una composición infinita que acerca arte y diseño en la vida cotidiana de la sociedad. La diversidad generacional e ideológica de estos arquitectos convirtió el proyecto en un tablero de juego sobre el que se aplicaron diferentes formas de proyectar la ciudad, ubicando a Nagele en un punto de inflexión del Movimiento Moderno. ABSTRACT The research focuses on the Nagele project, a Dutch urban settlement located in the Noordoostpolder, a territory which was entirely reclaimed from the IJsselmeer lake. It was designed by a group of architects from the De 8 and Opbouw teams, the leading protagonists being Rietveld, Van Eesteren, Van Eyck, Bakema, Stam y Ruys. It was designed from 1947 to 1956, a fruitful period in urban planning. These architects questioned the traditionalist urban design applied to the new populations in the IJsselmeer polders. Facing their principles, the work group proposed a new prototype; a compact and concentric urban pattern to foster equality in a new community of farm labourers, which was recognized by the architects as a twentieth century urban society. The government supported their new proposals. The lack of implementation of the innovatory conceptual statements subjected the project into a high-risk challenge. However, in spite of these difficulties, the basic concepts remain though partially transformed, in the actual city. The project drawings reflect the principle concepts that this work aims to discover. Some approaches that have not been sufficiently studied are tackled in this thesis. Firstly, the project´s relationship with the polder. Secondly, the evolution of projective strategies during the period of urban planning, the landscape design and the design of urban elements. The Noordoostpolder is the culmination of a series of multi-disciplinary experiences in large scale land reclamation, whose polycentric urban structure and agricultural subdivision provide the framework of Nagele. Linking the vegetation to infrastructure fostered orientation, climate protection and human scale; strategies which were repeated, though on a smaller scale, in the actual city. The first phase of the project was composed of mono-functional urban areas which responded to each of the four basic human needs indicated by the scientific method of the functional city. The presentation of the project at the seventh CIAM in 1949 was the event which marked the end of the first phase of the planning. This congress was entitled Implementation of the Athens Charter. The residential program was divided into housing clusters surrounding a central prairie, a pattern which was related to its urban and territorial whole. The second phase of the plan was subjected to a new theoretical approach. The urban planning became an In-between Realm, a theoretical scenario where traditionally antagonistic concepts coexist. Van Eyck named these concepts Twin Phenomena. The city thus conceived of as a counterform of the ambivalence of the human mind where spatial indefinition in the previous proposals was transformed into a Bunch of Places with defined boundaries and dimensions, all of which reflecting human scale. The landscape design was integrated into the urban project from its inception. The limits consist of a green wind-barrier which not only provides climate protection but also provides human scale and visual control towards the unlimited plains of the polder. Van Eyck summarised the project as a green room without a roof. This statement elucidates its equivalence to a domestic interior. Outwardly, the city becomes an autonomous unit on the territory. Inwardly a hierarchical vegetation system is linked to architecture and infrastructure. Together, they configure different scales of urban spaces. The proposal was transformed by Boer and Ruys into a unique urban space without assimilating Van Eyck´s concepts. The study of the Nagele landscape project of Nagele and the writings of Van Eyck verify the fact that many of his theoretical foundations (In-between Realm, Twin Phenomena, Bunch of Places, Right Scale) can be applied not only to architecture and city but also to landscape design. The application of these principles led the Nagele project to become a counterform of Van Eyck´s thinking. The design and construction of the first urban elements involved a distribution of tasks to De 8 en Opbouw, which stimulated their relationship with the urban project. The polycentric structure organised the school classrooms outlined by Van Eyck, the different areas of the cemetery planned by Ruys and the housing clusters designed by Stam, Rietveld and Stam-Besse. The Twin Phenomena concept can be applied in Van der Broek´s shopping corridor. The concept space within another space is also implemented in the cemetery surrounded by a new green barrier, and in the church built by Van der Broek and Bakema, whose spaces are configured by a folding wall. The project takes a holistic approach, which considers the design of each element within the strategies of the whole, where they become parts of an infinite composition, as in the art works of De Stijl fostering art and design to ordinary people´s daily lives. The generational and ideological diversity of these architects turned the project into a game board on which different ways of planning the city were played, obtaining Nagele the distinction of being a turning point of Modernism.

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Urban infrastructure development in Korea has recently shifted from an old paradigm of conventional infrastructure planning to a new paradigm of intelligent infrastructure provision. This new paradigm, so called ubiquitous infrastructure, is based on a combination of urban infrastructure, information and communication technologies and digital networks. Ubiquitous infrastructure basically refers to an urban infrastructure where any citizen could access any infrastructure and services via any electronic device regardless of time and location. This paper introduces this new paradigm of intellectual infrastructure planning and its design schemes. The paper also examines the ubiquitous infrastructure development in Korea and discusses the positive effects of ubiquitous infrastructure on sustainable urban development.

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There is a limited evidence base which highlights the plight of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander populations living in urban areas and the issues that impact on Indigenous achievements in education, health status, housing needs, rates of incarceration and the struggle for cultural recognition. This is despite over 70 % of all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australia now living in urban or regional urban areas (ABS 2008). The statistics demonstrate that living in urban centres is as much part of reality for Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people as living in a remote discrete community. Using the capital city of Brisbane, Queensland as a case study, this paper will explore some of the issues that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples face against a backdrop of the statistics and some of the current literature. It will additionally explore why there has been limited research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander populations in urban areas and highlight some of the innovative research taking place which will begin to redress this gap. The research issues presented within this paper will resonate with some of the Native American and Indigenous movement patterns and associated issues additionally occurring in the United States of America, Canada and New Zealand.

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Efficient and effective urban management systems for Ubiquitous Eco Cities require having intelligent and integrated management mechanisms. This integration includes bringing together economic, socio-cultural and urban development with a well orchestrated, transparent and open decision making mechanism and necessary infrastructure and technologies. In Ubiquitous Eco Cities telecommunication technologies play an important role in monitoring and managing activities over wired, wireless or fibre-optic networks. Particularly technology convergence creates new ways in which the information and telecommunication technologies are used and formed the back bone or urban management systems. The 21st Century is an era where information has converged, in which people are able to access a variety of services, including internet and location based services, through multi-functional devices such as mobile phones and provides opportunities in the management of Ubiquitous Eco Cities. This research paper discusses the recent developments in telecommunication networks and trends in convergence technologies and their implications on the management of Ubiquitous Eco Cities and how this technological shift is likely to be beneficial in improving the quality of life and place of residents, workers and visitors. The research paper reports and introduces recent approaches on urban management systems, such as intelligent urban management systems, that are suitable for Ubiquitous Eco Cities.

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A successful urban management system for a Ubiquitous Eco City requires an integrated approach. This integration includes bringing together economic, socio-cultural and urban development with a well orchestrated, transparent and open decision making mechanism and necessary infrastructure and technologies. Rapidly developing information and telecommunication technologies and their platforms in the late 20th Century improves urban management and enhances the quality of life and place. Telecommunication technologies provide an important base for monitoring and managing activities over wired, wireless or fibre-optic networks. Particularly technology convergence creates new ways in which the information and telecommunication technologies are used. The 21st Century is an era where information has converged, in which people are able to access a variety of services, including internet and location based services, through multi-functional devices such as mobile phones and provides opportunities in the management of Ubiquitous Eco Cities. This paper discusses the recent developments in telecommunication networks and trends in convergence technologies and their implications on the management of Ubiquitous Eco Cities and how this technological shift is likely to be beneficial in improving the quality of life and place. The paper also introduces recent approaches on urban management systems, such as intelligent urban management systems, that are suitable for Ubiquitous Eco Cities.

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Ecological networks are often represented as utopian webs of green meandering through cities, across states, through regions and even across a country (Erickson, 2006, p.28; Fabos, 2004, p.326; Walmsley, 2006). While this may be an inspiring goal for some in developed countries, the reality may be somewhat different in developing countries. China, in its shift to urbanisation and suburbanisation, is also being persuaded to adjust its planning schemes according to these aspirational representations of green spaces (Yu et al, 2006, p.237; Zhang and Wang, 2006, p.455). The failure of other countries to achieve regional goals of natural and cultural heritage protection on the ground in this way (Peterson et al, 2007; Ryan et al, 2006; von Haaren and Reich, 2006) suggests that there may be flaws in the underpinning concepts that are widely circulated in North American and Western European literature (Jongman et al, 2004; Walmsley, 2006). In China, regional open space networks, regional green infrastructure or regional ecological corridors as we know them in the West, are also likely to be problematic, at least in the foreseeable future. Reasons supporting this view can be drawn from lessons learned from project experience in landscape planning and related fields of study in China and overseas. Implementation of valuable regional green space networks is problematic because: • the concept of region as a spatial unit for planning green space networks is ambiguous and undefinable for practical purposes; • regional green space networks traditionally require top down inter-governmental cooperation and coordination which are generally hampered by inequalities of influence between and within government agencies; • no coordinating body with funding powers exists for regional green space development and infrastructure authorities are still in transition from engineering authorities; • like other infrastructure projects, green space is likely to become a competitive rather than a complementary resource for city governments; • stable long-term management, maintenance and uses of green space networks must fit into a ‘family’ social structure rather than a ‘public good’ social structure, particularly as rural and urban property rights are being re-negotiated with city governments; and • green space provision is a performance indicator of urban improvement in cities within the city hierarchy and remains quantitatively-based (land area, tree number and per capita share) rather than qualitatively-based with local people as the focus.

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In recent years, local government infrastructure management practices have evolved from conventional land use planning to more wide ranging and integrated urban growth and infrastructure management approaches. The roles and responsibilities of local government are no longer simply to manage daily operational functions of a city and provide basic infrastructure. Local governments are now required to undertake economic planning, manage urban growth; be involved in major infrastructure planning; and even engage in achieving sustainable development objectives. The Brisbane Urban Growth model has proven initially successful to ensure timely and coordinated delivery of urban infrastructure. This model may be the first step for many local governments to move toward an integrated, sustainable and effective infrastructure management.

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The increasing ubiquity of digital technology, internet services and location-aware applications in our everyday lives allows for a seamless transitioning between the visible and the invisible infrastructure of cities: road systems, building complexes, information and communication technology, and people networks create a buzzing environment that is alive and exciting. Driven by curiosity, initiative and interdisciplinary exchange, the Urban Informatics Research Lab at Queensland University of Technology (QUT), Brisbane, Australia, is an emerging cluster of people interested in research and development at the intersection of people, place and technology with a focus on cities, locative media and mobile technology. This paper introduces urban informatics as a transdisciplinary practice across people, place and technology that can aid local governments, urban designers and planners in creating responsive and inclusive urban spaces and nurturing healthy cities. Three challenges are being discussed. First, people, and the challenge of creativity explores the opportunities and challenges of urban informatics that can lead to the design and development of new tools, methods and applications fostering participation, the democratisation of knowledge, and new creative practices. Second, technology, and the challenge of innovation examines how urban informatics can be applied to support user-led innovation with a view to promote entrepreneurial ideas and creative industries. Third, place, and the challenge of engagement discusses the potential to establish places within cities that are dedicated to place-based applications of urban informatics with a view to deliver community and civic engagement strategies.

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This study examines the participation of a group of high school students in designing a Heritage Journey as part of an urban redevelopment project in their community. School-community engagement offers young people an opportunity to engage in community life and influence decisions that affect them. Forging links between community and school is becoming more important for teachers as they attempt to create new authentic learning opportunities for young people within a changing world. Increasingly, researchers and urban planners are including children and young people as active decision makers and participants in community engagement projects. However, models of participation tend to be adult-focussed, conceive participation in terms of low to high graduated levels and lack a clearly articulated theoretical basis. The research problem in this study focuses on investigating whether the inclusion of young people in school-community engagement results in value adding to urban planning and is an example of genuine participation. The aim of the study is to provide a theoretically informed, empirically rich understanding of the inclusion of young people in a community engagement strategy for an urban planning project. Theories of space developed by Henri Lefebvre and Edward Soja are drawn upon for understanding how space is understood, used, and redeveloped by the students and other stakeholders. The study also draws on David Harvey’s notion of utopia and space to consider the imaginative possibilities of the students’ designs and ideas. The study uses a participatory research approach and documents the opportunities and challenges of this methodology. The thesis argues that school-community engagement within a "Thirdspace" offers many new opportunities for the emergence of authentic learning situations. Key findings from the study show young people’s participation in an urban planning project can achieve successful results when young people are given opportunities for full participation in decision-making processes; multiple pathways for active engagement are incorporated into the research design; opportunities for mentoring are provided; realistic timelines are communicated to all stakeholders and the needs and social practices of the local community are acknowledged. A new spatial model of community engagement is proposed as an outcome of the study. Unlike previous models of participation, this model demonstrates how exclusion and inclusion can be conceived visually, and may prove effective for conceptualising future community engagement projects that involve young people.

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This research is an autoethnographic investigation of consumption experiences, public and quasi-public spaces, and their relationship to community within an inner city neighbourhood. The research specifically focuses on the gentrifying inner city, where class-based processes of change can have implications for people’s abilities to remain within, or feel connected to place. However, the thesis draws on broader theories of the throwntogetherness of the contemporary city (e.g., Amin and Thrift, 2002; Massey 2005) to argue that the city is a space where place-based meanings cannot be seen to be fixed, and are instead better understood as events of place – based on ever shifting interrelations between the trajectories of people and things. This perspective argues the experience of belonging to community is not just born of a social encounter, but also draws on the physical and symbolic elements of the context in which it is situated. The thesis particularly explores the ways people construct identifications within this shifting urban environment. As such, consumption practices and spaces offer one important lens through which to explore the interplay of the physical, social and symbolic. Consumer research tells us that consumption practices can facilitate experiences in which identity-defining meaning can be generated and shared. Consumption spaces can also support different kinds of collective identification – as anchoring realms for specific cultural groups or exposure realms that enable individuals to share in the identification practices of others with limited risk (Aubert-Gamet & Cova, 1999). Furthermore, the consumption-based lifestyles that gentrifying inner city neighbourhoods both support and encourage can also mean that consumption practices may be a key reason that people are moving through public space. That is, consumption practices and spaces may provide a purpose for which – and spatial frame against which – our everyday interactions and connections with people and objects are undertaken within such neighbourhoods. The purpose of this investigation then was to delve into the subjectivities at the heart of identifying with places, using the lens of our consumption-based experiences within them. The enquiry describes individual and collective identifications and emotional connections, and explores how these arise within and through our experiences within public and quasi-public spaces. It then theorises these ‘imaginings’ as representative of an experience of community. To do so, it draws on theories of imagination and its relation to community. Theories of imagined community remind us that both the values and identities of community are held together by projections that create relational links out of objects and shared practices (e.g., Benedict Anderson, 2006; Urry, 2000). Drawing on broader theories of the processes of the imagination, this thesis suggests that an interplay between reflexivity and fantasy – which are products of the critical and the fascinated consciousness – plays a role in this imagining of community (e.g., Brann, 1991; Ricoeur, 1994). This thesis therefore seeks to explore how these processes of imagining are implicated within the construction of an experience of belonging to neighbourhood-based community through consumption practices and the public and quasi-public spaces that frame them. The key question of this thesis is how do an individual’s consumption practices work to construct an imagined presence of neighbourhood-based community? Given the focus on public and quasi-public spaces and our experiences within them, the research also asked how do experiences in the public and quasi-public spaces that frame these practices contribute to the construction of this imagined presence? This investigation of imagining community through consumption practices is based on my own experiences of moving to, and attempting to construct community connections within, an inner city neighbourhood in Melbourne, Australia. To do so, I adopted autoethnographic methodology. This is because autoethnography provides the methodological tools through which one can explore and make visible the subjectivities inherent within the lived experiences of interest to the thesis (Ellis, 2004). I describe imagining community through consumption as an extension of a placebased self. This self is manifest through personal identification in consumption spaces that operate as anchoring realms for specific cultural groups, as well as through a broader imagining of spaces, people, and practices as connected through experiences within realms of exposure. However, this is a process that oscillates through cycles of identification; these anchor one within place personally, but also disrupt those attachments. This instability can force one to question the orientation and motives of these imaginings, and reframe them according to different spaces and reference groups in ways that can also work to construct a more anonymous and, conversely, more achievable collective identification. All the while, the ‘I’ at the heart of this identification is in an ongoing process of negotiation, and similarly, the imagined community is never complete. That is, imagining community is a negotiation, with people and spaces – but mostly with the different identifications of the self. This thesis has been undertaken by publication, and thus the process of imagining community is explored and described through four papers. Of these, the first two focus on specific types of consumption spaces – a bar and a shopping centre – and consider the ways that anchoring and exposure within these spaces support the process of imagining community. The third paper examines the ways that the public and quasi-public spaces that make up the broader neighbourhood context are themselves throwntogether as a realm of exposure, and considers the ways this shapes my imaginings of this neighbourhood as community. The final paper develops a theory of imagined community, as a process of comparison and contrast with imagined others, to provide a summative conceptualisation of the first three papers. The first paper, chapter five, explores this process of comparison and contrast in relation to authenticity, which in itself is a subjective assessment of identity. This chapter was written as a direct response to the recent work of Zukin (2010), and draws on theories of authenticity as applied to personal and collective identification practices by consumer researchers Arnould and Price (2000). In this chapter, I describe how my assessments of the authenticity of my anchoring experiences within one specific consumption space, a neighbourhood bar, are evaluated in comparison to my observations of and affective reactions to the social practices of another group of residents in a different consumption space, the local shopping centre. Chapter five also provides an overview of the key sites and experiences that are considered in more detail in the following two chapters. In chapter six, I again draw on my experiences within the bar introduced in chapter five, this time to explore the process of developing a regular identity within a specific consumption space. Addressing the popular theory of the cafe or bar as third place (Oldenburg, 1999), this paper considers the purpose of developing anchored relationships with people within specific consumption spaces, and explores the different ways this may be achieved in an urban context where the mobilities and lifestyle practices of residents complicate the idea of a consumption space as an anchoring or third place. In doing so, this chapter also considers the manner in which this type of regular identification may be seen to be the beginning of the process of imagining community. In chapter seven, I consider the ways the broader public spaces of the neighbourhood work cumulatively to expose different aspects of its identity by following my everyday movements through the neighbourhood’s shopping centre and main street. Drawing on the theories of Urry (2000), Massey (2005), and Amin (2007, 2008), this chapter describes how these spaces operate as exposure realms, enabling the expression of different senses of the neighbourhood’s spaces, times, cultures, and identities through their physical, social, and symbolic elements. Yet they also enable them to be united: through habitual pathways, group practices of appropriation of space, and memory traces that construct connections between objects and experiences. This chapter describes this as a process of exposure to these different elements. Our imagination begins to expand the scope of the frames onto which it projects an imagined presence; it searches for patterns within the physical, social, and symbolic environment and draws connections between people and practices across spaces. As the final paper, chapter eight, deduces, it is in making these connections that one constructs the objects and shared practices of imagined community. This chapter describes this as an imagining of neighbourhood as a place-based extension of the self, and then explores the ways in which I drew on physical, social, and symbolic elements in an attempt to construct a fit between the neighbourhood’s offerings and my desires for place-based identity definition. This was as a cumulative but fragmented process, in which positive and negative experiences of interaction and identification with people and things were searched for their potential to operate as the objects and shared practices of imagined community. This chapter describes these connections as constructed through interplay between reflexivity and fantasy, as the imagination seeks balance between desires for experiences of belonging, and the complexities of constructing them within the throwntogether context of the contemporary city. The conclusion of the thesis describes the process of imagining community as a reflexive fantasy, that is, as a product of both the critical and fascinated consciousness (Ricoeur, 1994). It suggests that the fascinated consciousness imbues experiences with hope and desire, which the reflexive imagining can turn to disappointment and shame as it critically reflects on the reality of those fascinated projections. At the same time, the reflexive imagination also searches the practices of others for affirmation of those projections, effectively seeking to prove the reality of the fantasy of the imagined community.

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Urban green infrastructure can help cities adapt to climate change. Spatial planning can play an important role in utilizing green infrastructure for adaptation. Yet climate change risks represent a different sort of challenge for planning institutions. This paper aims to address two issues arising from this challenge. First, it defines the concept of green infrastructure within the context of climate adaptation. Second, it identifies and puts into perspective institutional barriers to adopting green infrastructure for climate adaptation, including path dependence. We begin by arguing that there is growing confusion among planners and policy makers about what constitutes green infrastructure. Definitional ambiguity may contribute to inaction on climate change adaptation, because it muddies existing programs and initiatives that are to do with green-space more broadly, which in turn feeds path dependency. We then report empirical findings about how planners perceive the institutional challenge arising from climate change and the adoption of green infrastructure as an adaptive response. The paper concludes that spatial planners generally recognize multiple rationales associated with green infrastructure. However they are not particularly keen on institutional innovation and there is a tendency for path dependence. We propose a conceptual model that explicitly recognizes such institutional factors. This paper contributes to the literature by showing that agency and institutional dimensions are a limiting factor in advancing the concept of green infrastructure within the context of climate change adaptation.

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The hawari of Cairo - narrow non-straight alleyways - are the basic urban units that have formed the medieval city since its foundation back in 969 AD. Until early in the C20th, they made up the primary urban divisions of the city and were residential in nature. Contemporary hawari, by contrast, are increasingly dominated by commercial and industrial activity. This medieval urban maze of extremely short, broken, zigzag streets and dead ends are defensible territories, powerful institutions, and important social systems. While the hawari have been studied as an exemplar for urban structure of medieval Islamic urbanism, and as individual building typologies, this book is the first to examine in detail the socio-spatial practice of the architecture of home in the city. It investigates how people live, communicate and relate to each other within their houses or shared spaces of the alleys, and in doing so, to uncover several new socio-spatial dimensions and meanings in this architectural form.

In an attempt to re-establish the link between architecture past and present, and to understand the changing social needs of communities, this book uncovers the notion of home as central to understand architecture in such a city with long history as Cairo. It firstly describes the historical development of the domestic spaces (indoor and outdoor), and provides an inclusive analysis of spaces of everyday activities in the hawari of old Cairo. It then broadens its analysis to other parts of the city, highlighting different customs and representations of home in the city at large. Cairo, in the context of this book, is represented as the most sophisticated urban centre in the Middle East with different and sometimes contrasting approaches to the architecture of home, as a practice and spatial system.

In order to analyse the complexity and interconnectedness of the components and elements of the hawari as a 'collective home', it layers its narratives of architectural and social developments as a domestic environment over the past two hundred years, and in doing so, explores the in-depth social meaning and performance of spaces, both private and public.