971 resultados para Unemployed Workers Movement
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According to Ljungqvist and Sargent (1998), high European unemployment since the 1980s can be explained by a rise in economic turbulence, leading to greater numbers of unemployed workers with obsolete skills. These workers refuse new jobs due to high unemployment benefits. In this paper we reassess the turbulence-unemployment relationship using a matching model with endogenous job destruction. In our model, higher turbulence reduces the incentives of employed workers to leave their jobs. If turbulence has only a tiny effect on the skills of workers experiencing endogenous separation, then the results of Lungqvist and Sargent (1998, 2004) are reversed, and higher turbulence leads to a reduction in unemployment. Thus, changes in turbulence cannot provide an explanation for European unemployment that reconciles the incentives of both unemployed and employed workers.
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Cette thèse part du postulat que la crise du syndicalisme résulte d’une remise en cause des identités collectives ayant légitimé jusque dans les années 70 leur représentation des travailleurs. En témoignent les mobilisations, qui se déroulent souvent en dehors des syndicats et de façon conflictuelle avec eux, de travailleuses et travailleurs longtemps minorés par les arrangements institutionnels prévalant avec la société salariale. Différents travaux dans le renouveau syndical relèvent de leur côté que les syndicats peinent à prendre en compte les besoins et aspirations de ces travailleurs car leur identité collective les entraîne à rester dans les sentiers des orientations et représentations institutionnalisées. Cependant, les auteurs se focalisent sur la façon dont le syndicalisme, et en particulier les leaders, peuvent reconstruire une représentation des travailleurs, et non sur la façon dont les identités collectives se transforment. Les études sur le syndicalisme héritent d’un débat sur les mouvements sociaux qui a abouti à scinder les approches théoriques entre celles conceptualisant les identités collectives, mais dans le cadre de théorisations contestables de l’évolution des sociétés, et celles qui sous-théorisent les identités collectives et considèrent que les mouvements sociaux émergent des processus politique et de la mobilisation des ressources. Les travaux sur le renouveau syndical reprennent généralement cette seconde approche et assimilent les mouvements de travailleurs à des organisations en considérant, implicitement, les buts de l’action collective comme donné. Or, un mouvement social est un concept ; il n’est pas réductible à une organisation, au risque sinon de perdre sa valeur heuristique, qui est de chercher à saisir les identités collectives en conflit et les stratégies associées. À partir de l’étude du cas du mouvement de travailleurs dans l’économie solidaire brésilienne, cette thèse questionne donc le « pourquoi de nouvelles identités collectives de travailleurs émergent » et le « comment ou le pourquoi des identités syndicales se transforment ou se reproduisent », lorsqu’elles sont confrontées à l’émergence de nouvelles façons de définir les dominations à combattre et les orientations. Les identités collectives sont opérationnalisées comme des matrices cognitives et normatives, ce qui permet de rendre compte de leur caractère évolutif en fonction des modalités d’interaction. L’étude de cas met en évidence que les mobilisations autonomes des travailleurs minorés sont porteuses de nouvelles définitions des problèmes et de pratiques sociales transformatrices, qui entrent en conflit avec les significations et les pratiques syndicales institutionnalisées. Elle montre que c’est à la suite d’interactions délibératives entre ces travailleurs et les syndicalistes que les identités syndicales se transforment. Cependant, la reconstitution des trajectoires de deux syndicats (de la principale centrale brésilienne) indique que le fait d’entrer dans de telles interactions ne dépend pas d’une décision rationnelle, mais de la perception (de la part des syndicats) des capacités des travailleurs à transformer le rapport au travail et au monde lorsqu’ils agissent collectivement. Un dernier résultat, corollaire, tient dans la falsification de l’hypothèse – défendue par une partie de la littérature sur le renouveau syndical – selon laquelle les syndicats, et en particulier les leaders, peuvent conduire une transformation de la représentation collective en procédant eux-mêmes à une agrégation des multiples identités collectives. Cette hypothèse, qui revient à considérer le but de l’action collective comme donné, est contredite par les données : elles montrent que, dans un tel cas, s’il y a bien des innovations institutionnelles conduites par le syndicat, ces innovations favorisent l’adaptation du syndicalisme aux mutations du capitalisme et non la transformation des rapports sociaux de domination, parce que prédominent alors les liens sociaux avec les groupes dominants, c’est-à-dire les interprétations cognitives dominantes des problèmes.
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We analyze whether the introduction or an increase of unemployment insurance (UI hereafter) beneÖts in developing countries reduces the e§ort made by unemployed workers to secure a new job in the formal sector. We adopt a comparative static approach and we consider the consequences of an increase of current UI beneÖts on unemployed workersídecision variables in this same period, i.e. we focus on an intra-temporal trade-o§, allowing us to assume away moral hazard complications. When there is no informal sector, unemployed workers may devote their time between e§ort to secure a new job in the formal sector and leisure. In the presence of an informal sector, unemployed workers may also devote time to remunerated informal activities. Consequently, the amount of e§ort devoted to secure a new (formal) job generates an opportunity cost, which ceteris paribus, reduces the amount of time devoted to remunerated activities in the informal sector. We show that in the presence of an informal sector, an increase of current UI beneÖts decreases this marginal opportunity cost and therefore unambiguously increases the e§ort undertaken to secure a new job in the formal sector. This intra-temporal e§ect is the only one at play in presence of one-shot UI beneÖts or with severance payments mechanism.
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We study the effect of UI benefits in a typical developing country where the informal sector is sizeable and persistent. In a partial equilibrium environment, ruling out the macroeconomic consequences of UI benefits, we characterize the stationary equilibrium of an economy where policyholders may be employed in the formal sector, short-run unemployed receiving UI benefits or long-run unemployed without UI benefits. We perform comparative static exercises to understand how UI benefits affect unemployed worker´s effort to secure a formal job, their labor supply in the informal sector and leisure time. Our model reveals that an increase in UI benefits generates two opposing effects for the short-run unemployed. First, since search efforts cannot be monitored it generates moral hazard behaviours that lower effort. Second, it generates an income effect as it reduces the marginal cost of searching for a formal job and increases effort.The overall effect is ambiguous and depends on the relative strength of these two effects. Additionally, we show that an increase in UI benefits increases the efforts of long-run unemployed workers. We provide a simple simulation exercise which suggests that the income effect pointed out is not necessarily of second-order importance in comparison with moral hazard strength. This result softens the widespread opinion, usually based on the microeconomic/partial equilibrium argument that the presence of dual labor markets is an obstacle to providing UI in developing countries.
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Esta dissertação teve como objetivo descrever a educação básica no contexto do sistema penitenciário de Salvador em termos de processos educacionais e da Proposta Político-Pedagógica (PPP) com vistas à ressocialização do preso. Especificamente: a) descrever a realidade educacional do sistema penitenciário; b) analisar o processo educacional, método em termos de restauração pessoal, quanto à ressocialização do apenado. Em termos de percurso metodológico, quanto à natureza da pesquisa, trata-se de um estudo qualitativo. Organizou-se a dissertação, dando-lhe coerência e direção. A fundamentação teórica foi organizada delimitando-se os pontos essenciais da investigação. Em termos de tipo de pesquisa qualitativa, trata-se de estudo de caso, o qual vai-se valer, em termos de coleta de dados, da observação, entrevistas, narrativas e análise de documentos. Há que se observar que se torna difícil a situação de reintegração social do regresso, principalmente no tocante à sua recolocação profissional, pois vive-se hoje a realidade de um desemprego generalizado com elevado contingente de trabalhadores desempregados, e que ainda na maioria das vezes ainda contam com experiência profissional. A situação torna-se difícil para uma pessoa que traz consigo o estigma de ex-presidiário, e que na maioria das vezes não tem qualquer qualificação profissional. A „recuperação‟ do preso passa pela manutenção de sua referência com o mundo exterior, tais como a família, o meio de trabalho, o bairro onde reside. Quanto mais essas referências forem afastadas (e o são), mais difícil será sua readaptação posterior à sociedade. Pode ser que, após um longo período, adaptado pelas forças de sua instituição total, o mesmo já não consiga se adaptar a uma sociedade livre.
Dos movimentos sociais às funções institucionais: a Consolidação de uma geração política em Sergipe.
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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.
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The work that follows is dedicated to the study of the historic time experience by the political militancy from our time. The political militant from the left-wing is the one that denies the state of current things, recovering a historic experience located far before its time and projecting a future beyond the incessant reproduction of the present relations. We chosen the Landless Workers Movement, not as study object, but as specific place where this consciousness is made and can be comprehended. The historic consciousness study of the landless militancy is, for us, the best starting point to understand the magnification of the historical time operated on the change of social relations lived inside an organization. The time division between before and after, as well as the history being understood as a progress isn t a natural given data, but a construction that obeys the contradictions of the present. It, therefore, must understand how the present lived by the militancy operates changes on the consciousness of time. From documents, reference books, formation notebooks and several materials produced by MST, we try to understand the way that the movement tells his history and lists with this wider experience of the struggle for the change of the current social order. Similarly, when we hear reports of history of several militants, we try to comprehend how this wider narrative re-orients the sight over history himself, over the experience of contradictions on before and after making the landless militant
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The present investigation deals with the Curriculum and Pedagogical Practices of Young and Adults, EJA, and articulates with the conceptions and beliefs of teachers sitting. The empirical scope of this investigation consisted in the Municipal School Francisca Leonísia, located in the Agrarian Reform Settlement Serra Nova, city of Florânia/RN. Seeks to analyze the relationship between the Curriculum and Educational Practices of Young and Adult EJA - conceptions beliefs of these teachers. This work is based on qualitative research, interpretative character reflective and makes use of documentary analysis, structured interviews and reflective sessions as methodological procedures which ensure the achievement of our goals in research. These procedures allowed us to enter the practice setting and curriculum for teachers to understand how they think, prepare and practice of adult education in school curriculum research field. The documentary analysis provided the rethinking of the curriculum selected references, Political Pedagogical Project and Proposed Course of EJA, from a critical reading of concepts and conceptions given in these references, with a view to construction and reconstruction of concepts that reclaim the identity of young people and adult field, inserted in the Rural Workers Movement landless/MST. As reflective sessions were constituted in spaces of collective training and allowed the group to selfreflection e collective reflection about the ideas and beliefs that permeate the curriculum and guide their practices education in adult education. In these areas of training are also discussed current problems of adult education, the construction of an educational project of the adult education field to, warranties of learning and cultural identity of the adult education field and placed in the context of the MST. Under this view, it is concluded that the conceptions and beliefs of teachers seated directly relate to the curriculum designed, developed and practiced in adult education, as well as the educational practices that permeate the curriculum. This relation is in the midst of adversities of Rural Education, inserted in the Movement of Landless Rural Workers-MST, and requires the commitment of teachers to the necessary changes to an education are critical and emancipatory
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The expansion of agrofuel crops challenges us to rethink policies, territories, human agency, and the paradigms used to explain them. In Brazil, policies supporting the expansion of agrofuel crops and the intensification of agrofuel production are reorganising rural land use and undermining some forms of participation in the capitalist and family modes of production. To reflect on this new reality, we study peasant movement reactions, proposals, and territorial disputes with agribusiness. Using the Pontal do Paranapanema region of São Paulo state as a case in point, the paper analyses territorial disputes between expanding sugarcane plantations and agrarian reform settlements as well as biodiesel production projects developed by the Landless Workers Movement (MST) and the Western São Paulo Federation of Settlement and Family Farmer Associations (FAAFOP). It also analyses the agrofuel policies of other peasant organisations, including Via Campesina. The production of agrofuels has changed the processes of land acquisition and use by both agribusiness and the peasantry, provoking new insights into the nature of territorial conflicts and thereby stimulating the need to revise perspectives on the agrarian question in Brazil.
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This research aims to analyze the conflict over land in Postal do Paranapanema (state of São Paulo, Brazil), considering the competition for water resources and the degradation of environmental health in the area called the agrohidronegocio sugarcane. The survey results indicate that the expansion of sugarcane cultivation in this region is causing the worsening health of workers. Moreover, the research also seeks to identify alternative models to the hegemonic project of regional development based on matrix agrohidroenergetica. For this, the research has as interlocutors various types of social movements such as the Landless Workers Movement and the Movement of Dam Affected, and union leaders.
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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles
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The research Reforma Agrária de Mercado e Territorialização: um estudo a partir do Programa Cédula da Terra em Canindé-Ce , has an objective to discuss until whas time denominated agrarium refom has capacity of territory the of families in Five from the seven settlements cmated by resourles from the prgramme cell of earth em Canindé-Ce. In this context, the present work analysis the relation sitip between power and kind of identity, in special in those settlements, trying to learn the dialetic relationship. That passes by the process and appropriation in these spaces by these families gave the beginning of buying the land. The procedure methologic used by us gave privilege to realize the interview included in this process, wita the leaders of rural associations (STR); commission clero of earth (CPT); rural workers movement without land (MST); wita agricolas tecnics, and so the local coordinators of cell of earth in Fortaleza. The analysis of agrarium reform in Canindé, infects that the families giving entrance in buying the land, they could creatieg a hope in quality of life for getting the land. Nevertheless, it did not happen, in the rost of the parts of the areas in study. The territories present in general focus, the worse process of poomest besides the amount of debiths of these families, putting in risk the territorialization of themselves
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O Instituto de Educação Josué de Castro, que tem como mantenedor o Instituto Técnico de Capacitação e Pesquisa da Reforma Agrária e é vinculado ao movimento dos sem-terra, constitui-se em uma escola de educação média e profissional. O objetivo desse texto é o de expor os elementos educativos principais presentes na escola, bem como elucidar se a sua concepção educacional, que parece ser a mesma vigente nas escolas controladas pelo MST, contém elementos educacionais de interesse para as classes trabalhadoras em geral, do ponto de vista democrático e popular. A investigação revelou que o Instituto, estruturado e organizado de forma diferente daquela usualmente encontrada nas escolas oficiais, coloca em epígrafe categorias educacionais como a união do ensino com o trabalho e a gestão democrática compartilhada entre alunos, professores e funcionários.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)