929 resultados para Twitter election
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This paper studies the impact of instrumental voting on information demand and mass media behaviour during electoral campaigns. If voters act instrumentally then information demand should increase with the closeness of an election. Mass media are modeled as profit-maximizing firms that take into account information demand, the value of customers to advertisers and the marginal cost of customers. Information supply should be larger in electoral constituencies where the contest is expected to be closer, there is a higher population density, and customers are on average more profitable for advertisers. The impact of electorate size is theoretically undetermined. These conclusions are then tested with comfortable results on data from the 1997 general election in Britain.
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In this paper the electoral consequences of the Islamist terrorist attacks on March 11, 2004 are analysed. According to a quantitative analysis based on a post-electoral survey, we show the causal mechanisms that transform voters’ reactions to the bombings into a particular electoral behaviour and estimate their relevance in the electoral results on March 14, 2004
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This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.
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The Conservative Party emerged from the 2010 United Kingdom General Election as the largest single party, but their support was not geographically uniform. In this paper, we estimate a hierarchical Bayesian spatial probit model that tests for the presence of regional voting effects. This model allows for the estimation of individual region-specic effects on the probability of Conservative Party success, incorporating information on the spatial relationships between the regions of the mainland United Kingdom. After controlling for a range of important covariates, we find that these spatial relationships are significant and that our individual region-specic effects estimates provide additional evidence of North-South variations in Conservative Party support.
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This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.
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This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre-election statements and post-election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion-of-powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre-election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount.
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In light of the fact that several studies indicate that students can benefit from deeper understandings of the processes by which historical accounts are constructed, history educators have increasingly been focused on finding ways to teach students how to read and reason about events in the same manner as professional historians (Wineburg, 2001; Spoehr & Spoehr, 1994; Hynd, Holschuh, & Hubbard, 2004; Wiley & Voss, 1996). One possible resource for supporting this development may come out of emerging web-based technologies. New technologies and increased access to historical records and artifacts posted the Internet may be precisely the tools that can help students (Bass, Rosenzweig, & Mason, 1999). Given the right context, we believe it is possible to combine such resources and tools to create an environment for students that could strengthen their abilities to read and reason about historical events. Moreover, we believe that social media, specifically, microblogging (Nardi, Schiano, Gumbrecht, & Swartz, 2004) could play a key role.
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Aquest projecte planteja la realització d'una aplicació que funcioni a la majoria de mòbils intel·ligents i que permeti la gestió, estructuració i priorització de les tasques que una persona ha de completar. Aquestes tasques poden ser tan habituals com una llista de la compra, un seguit de tasques laborals que has de realitzar un dia a la feina, els deures que has d'entregar a l'institut properament, o qualsevol altra tasca a on sigui necessària la seva estructuració i gestió per portar-la a terme amb èxit.
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Anàlisi de la campanya 2.0 dels partits polítics espanyols a les eleccions generals del 20-N des d'una perspectiva qualitativa, a partir d'entrevistes als ciutadans.
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Référence bibliographique : Rol, 56933
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Référence bibliographique : Rol, 58255
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Référence bibliographique : Rol, 58254
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La propuesta de innovación metodológica se sitúa en el marco del Grado de Educación Social (asignatura de Diversidad Funcional). Esta carrera universitaria pretende formar profesionales que generen cambio social especialmente entre los colectivos más vulnerables de nuestra sociedad. La propuesta, on li-ne mayoritariamente, consiste en utilizar Twitter y otras plataformas de almacenamiento gráfico para poner en común situaciones de vulnerabilidad de personas con discapacidad que se dan en las diferentes ciudades de los estudiantes. Además de difundirlas mediante Twitter, en caso necesario, se utiliza la plataforma ziudad.com para ejercer denuncia de la situación que se esté produciendo. Mediante este sistema de geolocalización las denuncias se situaran públicamente (en abierto a otros ciudadanos y con su participación) en los diferentes puntos del territorio. A partir de lo que se ha ido estudiando los estudiantes, si lo creen necesario, además realizan quejas o sugerencias fuera del aula mediante cartas a diferentes medios de comunicación, a instituciones públicas o privadas y otras acciones donde el contenido de la asignatura trasciende fuera del aula. En tres meses se han conseguido poner en común más de 500 fotografías, se han publicado 30 cartas en diferentes medios de comunicación y hay presentadas denuncias/sugerencias a 10 municipios.
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Does additional government spending improve the electoral chances of incumbent political parties? This paper provides the first quasi-experimental evidence on this question. Our research design exploits discontinuities in federal funding to local governments in Brazil around several population cutoffs over the period 1982-1985. We find that extra fiscal transfers resulted in a 20% increase in local government spending per capita, and an increase of about 10 percentage points in the re-election probability of local incumbent parties. We also find positive effects of the government spending on education outcomes and earnings, which we interpret as indirect evidence of public service improvements. Together, our results provide evidence that electoral rewards encourage incumbents to spend part of additional revenues on public services valued by voters, a finding in line with agency models of electoral accountability.