884 resultados para Transnational Social Movement, Transnational Dinamics
Resumo:
El inters de este estudio de caso es demostrar el rol de la ONG Solidaridad Espaola con Cuba en la creacin de una red transnacional de defensa de las Damas de Blanco, un movimiento social cubano disidente. Esto, tras reconocer que el apoyo por parte de sta y otras organizaciones e instituciones internacionales es de gran importancia para lograr las reivindicaciones sociales propuestas por las Damas de Blanco, a partir de los hechos ocurridos en la Primavera Negra en el ao 2003. Tanto las organizaciones como el movimiento social, aseguran que ha existido una violacin sistemtica de los Derechos Humanos de los disidentes de este pas, y asimismo, una opresin de sus demandas, lo que ha hecho que el apoyo internacional se convierta en la clave de un futuro cambio.
Resumo:
Se analiza la relacin entre movimientos sociales y nuevos medios en Colombia, preguntando en particular por las posibilidades narrativas que tienen los movimientos sociales en el nuevo espacio comunicativo abierto por internet. Para ello, se lleva a cabo un estudio descriptivo del relato elaborado en la red social Twitter por activistas virtuales del movimiento de indignacin surgido en Bogot tras la destitucin del alcalde mayor, Gustavo Petro, a finales de 2013. Se encontr que Twitter fue un espacio esencialmente de disputa. El relato del movimiento fue construido en permanente contrapunteo no solo con las informaciones de los medios de comunicacin tradicionales y las intervenciones de los lderes polticos, sino tambin con expresiones ciudadanas rivales, que se movilizaron paralelamente en la misma red social en un ejercicio de contestacin. Esta investigacin emplea como marco analtico la autocomunicacin de masas propuesta por Manuel Castells.
Resumo:
A growing body of research focuses on the expanding roles of NGOs in global and supranational governance. The research emphasizes the increasing number of participation patterns of NGOs in policymaking and cross-national cooperation. It has produced important insights into the evolving political role of NGOs and their growing involvement in governance. The focus on activities at a transnational level has, however, lead to the virtual exclusion of research on other levels of governance. It has not been possible to tell whether the locus of their political activity is shifting from the national to the transnational environment, or whether it is simply broadening. Missing from the literature is an examination of the variety of cooperative relationships, including those between NGOs, which impact policy involvement across different levels of governance. To bridge this gap, I address two key questions: 1) Is the strategy of cooperation among NGOs a common feature of social movement activity across levels of governance, and if so, what does the structure of cooperation look like? 2) What impact, if any, does cooperation have on the expanding political involvement of NGOS, both within and across levels of governance? Using data from an original survey of migrant and refugee organizations across much of Europe, I test several hypotheses that shed light on these issues. The findings broadly indicate that 1) Cooperation is a widely-used strategy across levels of governance, 2) Cooperation with specific sets of actors increases the likelihood of NGO involvement at different levels of governance. Specifically, cooperation with EU-level actors increases the likelihood of national-level involvement, and 3) NGOs are more likely to extend their involvement across a range of institutions if they cooperate with a broad range of actors.
Resumo:
Organizational researchers have recently taken an interest in the ways in which social movements, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and other secondary stakeholders attempt to influence corporate behavior. Scholars, however, have yet to carefully probe the link between secondary stakeholder legal action and target firm stock market performance. This is puzzling given the sharp rise in NGO-initiated civil lawsuits against corporations in recent years for alleged overseas human rights abuses and environmental misconduct. Furthermore, few studies have considered how such lawsuits impact a target firms intangible assets, namely its image and reputation. Structured in the form of three essays, this dissertation examined the antecedents and consequences of secondary stakeholder legal activism in both conceptual and empirical settings. ^ Essay One argued that conventional approaches to understanding political risk fail to account for the reputational risks to multinational enterprises (MNEs) posed by transnational networks of human rights NGOs employing litigation-based strategies. It offered a new framework for understanding this emerging challenge to multinational corporate activity. Essay Two empirically tested the relationship between the filing of human rights-related civil lawsuits and corporate stock market performance using an event study methodology and regression analysis. The statistical analysis performed showed that target firms experience a significant decline in share price upon filing and that both industry and nature of the lawsuit are significantly and negatively related to shareholder wealth. Essay Three drew upon social movement and social identity theories to develop and test a set of hypotheses on how secondary stakeholder groups select their targets for human rights-related civil lawsuits. The results of a logistic regression model offered support for the proposition that MNE targets are chosen based on both interest and identity factors. The results of these essays suggest that legal action initiated by secondary stakeholder groups is a new and salient threat to multinational business and that firms doing business in countries with weak political institutions should factor this into corporate planning and take steps to mitigate their exposure to such risks.^
Resumo:
Se analiza, como participante-observador, la evolucin durante las ltimas dos dcadas del pensamiento del movimiento social rural transnacional, La Va Campesina, sobre los temas de reforma agraria y la defensa de tierra y territorio. El mundo rural ha cambiado y los cambios externos a los movimientos, junto con sus dilogos internos e intercambios de experiencias, han generado nuevas posiciones, estrategias de lucha, consensos y dilemas. Se destacan diversos temas, como el concepto del territorio, el "quehacer" en la tierra, las relaciones entre actores que comparten territorios, las ocupaciones, la titulacin, el Estado y nuevos derechos.
Resumo:
Se analiza, como participante-observador, la evolucin durante las ltimas dos dcadas del pensamiento del movimiento social rural transnacional, La Va Campesina, sobre los temas de reforma agraria y la defensa de tierra y territorio. El mundo rural ha cambiado y los cambios externos a los movimientos, junto con sus dilogos internos e intercambios de experiencias, han generado nuevas posiciones, estrategias de lucha, consensos y dilemas. Se destacan diversos temas, como el concepto del territorio, el "quehacer" en la tierra, las relaciones entre actores que comparten territorios, las ocupaciones, la titulacin, el Estado y nuevos derechos.
Resumo:
Se analiza, como participante-observador, la evolucin durante las ltimas dos dcadas del pensamiento del movimiento social rural transnacional, La Va Campesina, sobre los temas de reforma agraria y la defensa de tierra y territorio. El mundo rural ha cambiado y los cambios externos a los movimientos, junto con sus dilogos internos e intercambios de experiencias, han generado nuevas posiciones, estrategias de lucha, consensos y dilemas. Se destacan diversos temas, como el concepto del territorio, el "quehacer" en la tierra, las relaciones entre actores que comparten territorios, las ocupaciones, la titulacin, el Estado y nuevos derechos.
Resumo:
This thesis examines the rise and decline of the New Left in Toronto from 1958 to 1985. It argues that New Leftism whose three leading ideals were self-management, national liberation, and community arose as much from the Old Left as it did from the peace movement. In contrast to earlier readings that interpret the New Left narrowly essentially, as the combined forces of the white student and peace movements evident mainly on university campuses this thesis documents the extent to which New Leftism, interpreted as a political formation, provided a framework for a diversity of radical social movements, especially feminism, Black Power, gay liberation, resistance to the capitalist redevelopment of the city, and transnational solidarity. It also questions a declensionist narrative that adopts a decadal approach to the radicalism of the sixties, according to which 1970 spelled the end of 60s radicalism. Quite the contrary, this thesis argues: in Toronto, it would be truer to say that 1970s were the sixties, in that only in this later decade did many New Left movements attain their full maturity. New Leftists successfully challenged a host of institutions, sometimes with permanent effects. The educational system was transformed. Cultural institutions and practices were revolutionized. Questions of race and gender, once peripheral to the left, were made central to it. Democratic community institutions became far more powerful. A token of the strength and durability of the New Left in Toronto was the extent to which it remained the bte noir of a series of other radical groups upholding the model of the vanguard communist party which challenged the New Leftists prominence but many members of which often wound up agreeing with their positions. It was only in the early 1980s, with the ascent of a new right, that Torontos New Left unmistakably entered a period of decline. Yet, even then, many of its key themes were picked up by fast-growing anarchist and socialist feminist currents. Far from constituting a minor phenomenon, Torontos New Left, one of the largest movements for social justice in Canadian history, bequeathed to its progressive successors an imposing legacy of struggle and cultural achievements. It is the purpose of this thesis to evaluate, both critically and sympathetically, the extent to which the New Left attained its radical ambition.
Resumo:
Communication technologies shape how political activist networks are produced and maintain themselves. In Cuba, despite ideologically and physically oppressive practices by the state, a severe lack of Internet access, and extensive government surveillance, a small network of bloggers and cyberactivists has achieved international visibility and recognition for its critiques of the Cuban government. This qualitative study examines the blogger collective known as Voces Cubanas in Havana, Cuba in 2012, advancing a new approach to the study of transnational activism and the role of technology in the construction of political narrative. Voces Cubanas is analyzed as a network of connections between human and non-human actors that produces and sustains powerful political alliances. Voces Cubanas and its allies work collectively to co-produce contentious political discourses, confronting the dominant ideologies and knowledges produced by the Cuban state. Transnational alliances, the act of translation, and a host of unexpected and improvised technologies play central roles in the production of these narratives, indicating new breed of cyborg sociopolitical action reliant upon fluid and flexible networks and the act of writing.
Resumo:
La Revolucin Espiritual promovida por el Dalai Lama plantea una unin entre espiritualidad y poltica. El proyecto de una tica universal, que se inscribe dentro de dicha Revolucin, busca impactar la manera en que las relaciones internacionales se desarrollan, dndole prevalencia a los valores humanos. Sin embargo, esa proposicin se encuentra ligada al contexto de exilio en el marco del conflicto sino-tibetano que afecta al continente asitico. Por esto, en la presente monografa, haciendo uso de los conceptos de marco de accin colectiva e identidad inscritos en la corriente de los movimientos sociales en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales, se pretende determinar la relacin entre identidad tibetana, marco de accin colectiva y la propuesta de una tica universal. Para ello se recurre, metodolgicamente, a textos y a trabajo de campo en Bogot. As, se pretende establecer la relacin entre espiritualidad y poltica como propuesta tibetana atravesada por el conflicto sino-tibetano.
Resumo:
The incentives and governance system of organizations are important in explaining how they behave in localized development processes. This article builds on the observation that the literature on territorial development does not generally address the action of social movements. At the same time, research on social movements rarely studies their effects on the territories ill which they act. This text is a contribution to fill this gap. It compares two social movement organizations: a trade union federation and a credit cooperative system operating throughout southern Brazil, Both organizations share common origins and social bases, yet their impacts oil territories have been quite different. The analysis focuses Oil the social ties that link trade unions and cooperatives to their territories to show that governance systems may explain the performance of each organization, especially with regard to their capacity for innovation. (c) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.
Resumo:
La cration cinmatographique de l'tudiant qui accompagne ce mmoire sous la forme d'un DVD est disponible la Mdiathque de la Bibliothque des lettres et des sciences humaines sous le titre : Le Manifeste : des citoyens d'une plante en pril.(http://atrium.umontreal.ca/notice/UM-ALEPH002327356)