983 resultados para Transactional Costs Economy


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We provide in this paper a closed fonn for the Welfare Cost of Inflation which we prove to be closer than Bailey's expression to the correct solution of the corresponding non-separable differential equation. Next, we extend this approach to an economy with interest-bearing money, once again presenting a better appoximation than the one given by Bailey's approach. Finally, empirical estimates for Brazil are presented.

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Lucas (2000) estimates that the US welfare costs of inflation are around 1% of GDP. This measurement is consistent with a speci…c distorting channel in terms of the Bailey triangle under the demand for monetary base schedule (outside money): the displacement of resources from the production of consumption goods to the household transaction time à la Baumol. Here, we consider also several new types of distortions in the manufacturing and banking industries. Our new evidences show that both banks and firms demand special occupational employments to avoid the inflation tax. We de…ne the concept of ”the foat labor”: The occupational employments that are aflected by the in‡ation rates. More administrative workers are hired relatively to the bluecollar workers for producing consumption goods. This new phenomenon makes the manufacturing industry more roundabout. To take into account this new stylized fact and others, we redo at same time both ”The model 5: A Banking Sector -2” formulated by Lucas (1993) and ”The Competitive Banking System” proposed by Yoshino (1993). This modelling allows us to characterize better the new types of misallocations. We …nd that the maximum value of the resources wasted by the US economy happened in the years 1980-81, after the 2nd oil shock. In these years, we estimate the excess resources that are allocated for every speci…c distorting channel: i) The US commercial banks spent additional resources of around 2% of GDP; ii) For the purpose of the firm foating time were used between 2.4% and 4.1% of GDP); and iii) For the household transaction time were allocated between 3.1% and 4.5 % of GDP. The Bailey triangle under the demand for the monetary base schedule represented around 1% of GDP, which is consistent with Lucas (2000). We estimate that the US total welfare costs of in‡ation were around 10% of GDP in terms of the consumption goods foregone. The big di¤erence between our results and Lucas (2000) are mainly due to the Harberger triangle in the market for loans (inside money) which makes part of the household transaction time, of the …rm ‡oat labor and of the distortion in the banking industry. This triangle arises due to the widening interest rates spread in the presence of a distorting inflation tax and under a fractionally reserve system. The Harberger triangle can represent 80% of the total welfare costs of inflation while the remaining percentage is split almost equally between the Bailey triangle and the resources used for the bank services. Finally, we formulate several theorems in terms of the optimal nonneutral monetary policy so as to compare with the classical monetary theory.

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Aggregate investment in the US economy displays a hump-shaped pattern in response to shocks, and the autocorrelation of aggregate investment growth is positive for the first few quarters, turning negative for the later quarters. This paper shows that this feature of the data is the natural outcome of a two-sector consumption/investment model designed and calibrated to reproduce plant-level evidence on capita: accumulation. (C) 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

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Since product take-back is mandated in Europe, and has effects for producers worldwide including the U.S., designing efficient forward and reverse supply chain networks is becoming essential for business viability. Centralizing production facilities may reduce costs but perhaps not environmental impacts. Decentralizing a supply chain may reduce transportation environmental impacts but increase capital costs. Facility location strategies of centralization or decentralization are tested for companies with supply chains that both take back and manufacture products. Decentralized and centralized production systems have different effects on the environment, industry and the economy. Decentralized production systems cluster suppliers within the geographical market region that the system serves. Centralized production systems have many suppliers spread out that meet all market demand. The point of this research is to help further the understanding of company decision-makers about impacts to the environment and costs when choosing a decentralized or centralized supply chain organizational strategy. This research explores; what degree of centralization for a supply chain makes the most financial and environmental sense for siting facilities; and which factories are in the best location to handle the financial and environmental impacts of particular processing steps needed for product manufacture. This research considered two examples of facility location for supply chains when products are taken back; the theoretical case involved shoe resoling and a real world case study considered the location of operations for a company that reclaims multiple products for use as material inputs. For the theoretical example a centralized strategy to facility location was optimal: whereas for the case study a decentralized strategy to facility location was best. In conclusion, it is not possible to say that a centralized or decentralized strategy to facility location is in general best for a company that takes back products. Each company’s specific concerns, needs, and supply chain details will determine which degree of centralization creates the optimal strategy for siting their facilities.

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Mountain socio-ecological systems produce valuable but complex ecosystem services resulting from biomes stratified by altitude and gravity. These systems are often managed and shaped by smallholders whose marginalization is exacerbated by uncertainties and a lack of policy attention. Human–environment interfaces in mountains hence require holistic policies. We analyse the potential of the Global Mountain Green Economy Agenda (GMGEA) in building awareness and thus prompting cross-sectoral policy strategies for sustainable mountain development. Considering the critique of the green economy presented at the Rio + 20 conference, we argue that the GMGEA can nevertheless structure knowledge and inform regional institutions about the complexity of mountain socio-ecological systems, a necessary pre-condition to prompt inter-agency collaboration and cross-sectoral policy formulation. After reviewing the content of the GMGEA, we draw on two empirical cases in the Pakistani and Nepali Himalayas. First, we show that lack of awareness has led to a sequence of fragmented interventions with unanticipated, and unwanted, consequences for communities. Second, using a green economy lens, we show how fragmentation could have been avoided and cross-sectoral policies yielded more beneficial results. Project fragmentation reflects disconnected or layered policies by government agencies, which inherently keep specialized agendas and have no incentive to collaborate. Awareness makes agencies more likely to collaborate and adopt cross-sectoral approaches, allowing them to target more beneficiaries, be more visible, and raise more funds. Nevertheless, we also identify four factors that may currently still limit the effect of the GMGEA: high costs of inter-agency collaboration, lack of legitimacy of the green economy, insufficiently-secured smallholder participation, and limited understanding of the mechanisms through which global agendas influence local policy.

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We examine the potential impact of TTIP through trade-cost reductions, applying a mix of econometric and computational methods to develop estimates of the benefits (and costs) for the EU, United States, and third countries. Econometric results point to an approximate 80% growth in bilateral trade with an ambitious trade agreement. However, at the same time, computable general equilibrium (CGE) estimates highlight distributional impacts across countries and factors not evident from econometrics alone. Translated through our CGE framework, while bilateral trade increases roughly 80%, there is a fall of about 2.5% in trade with the rest of the world in our central case. The estimated gains in annual consumption range between 1% and 2.25% for the United States and EU, respectively. A purely discriminatory agreement would harm most countries outside the agreement, while the direction of third-country effects hinges critically on whether NTB reductions end up being discriminatory or not. Within the United States and EU, while labour gains across skill categories, the impact on farmers is mixed.

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This paper examines how the decline of communication costs between management and production facilities within firms and the decrease in trade costs of manufactured goods affect the spatial organization of a two-region economy with multi-unit/multi-plant firms. The development of information technology decreases the costs of communication and trade costs. Thus, the fragmentation of firms is promoted. Our result indicates that, with decreasing communication costs, firms producing low trade-cost products (such as consumer electronics) tend to concentrate their manufacturing plants in low wage countries. In contrast, firms producing high trade-cost products (such as automobiles) tend to have multiple plants serving to segmented markets, even in the absence of wage differentials.

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In the early stages of the development of Japan’s environmental policy, sulfur oxide (SOx) emissions, which seriously damage health, was the most important air pollution problem. In the second half of the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s, the measures against SOx emissions progressed quickly, and these emissions were reduced drastically. The most important factor of the reduction was the conversion to a low-sulfur fuel for large-scale fuel users, such as the electric power industry. However, industries started conversion to low-sulfur fuel not due to environmental concerns, but simply to reduce costs. Furthermore, the interaction among the various interests of the electric power industry, oil refineries, the central government, local governments, and citizens over the energy and environmental policies led to the measures against SOx emissions by fuel conversion.

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This paper proposes a general equilibrium model of a monocentric city based on Fujita and Krugman (1995). Two rates of transport costs per distance and for the same good are introduced. The model assumes that lower transport costs are available at a few points on a line. These lower costs represent new transport facilities, such as high-speed motorways and railways. Findings is that new transport facilities connecting the city and hinterlands strengthen the lock-in effects, which describes whether a city remains where it is forever after being created. Furthermore, the effect intensifies with better agricultural technologies and a larger population in the economy. The relationship between indirect utility and population size has an inverted U-shape, even if new transport facilities are used. However, the population size that maximizes indirect utility is smaller than that found in Fujita and Krugman (1995).

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El panorama global está cambiando, y esto influye sobre la forma en la que entendemos y tratamos de alcanzar un desarrollo humano sostenible. El crecimiento de la población conlleva una mayor presión sobre los recursos, pero también supone una mayor cantidad de mano de obra y de talento; la concentración en áreas urbanas está cambiando las dinámicas sociales y desafiando los canales de comercialización tradicionales, pero también genera nuevos mercados y fomenta la innovación; los cambios en la economía global están reduciendo los tradicionales desequilibrios de poder entre los países occidentales y el resto del mundo; y las crecientes interconexiones crean nuevos riesgos pero también oportunidades para lanzar iniciativas de alcance global. Todas estas tendencias nos están obligando a repensar qué es el desarrollo humano y de qué manera deberíamos afrontar el reto de la pobreza. Es comúnmente aceptado que la globalización implica interdependencia y que, para conseguir un desarrollo humano sostenible, la colaboración entre actores de distintos ámbitos es necesaria. Se observa una creciente convergencia de temas, intereses y soluciones en torno al desarrollo sostenible, incluso en diferentes países y sectores, lo que está facilitando la colaboración estratégica entre empresas, gobiernos y sociedad civil. Existen pocas duda a día de hoy sobre el papel fundamental que las empresas deben desempeñar en la transición mundial hacia la sostenibilidad ambiental y la erradicación de la pobreza. Las empresas están evolucionando desde un enfoque tradicional centrado en la maximización de beneficios económicos hacia un enfoque holístico que integra la sostenibilidad y la responsabilidad social como parte del núcleo de negocio de las compañías. En el ámbito medioambiental, muchas empresas ya han comenzado a actuar y tratan de reducir sus emisiones, sus desechos y su consumo de energía. Sin embargo la contribución de las empresas a la reducción de la pobreza no está tan clara. Actualmente en torno a 1,2 miles de millones de personas viven en situación de extrema pobreza. La mayoría de estas personas aún vive en zonas rurales donde la mayor parte de la población activa trabaja en el sector agrícola. Por lo tanto, mejorar las oportunidades y reducir los riesgos de los productores más vulnerables en el sector de la agricultura puede ser un motor de desarrollo rural y reducción de la pobreza, especialmente en países de bajo nivel de desarrollo cuyas economías están fundamentalmente basadas en la agricultura. Algunas empresas comienzan a incluir a los pobres en sus operaciones como consumidores, proveedores y emprendedores. Esta tesis se centra en las potenciales oportunidades relacionadas con la incorporación sostenible de los pobres como proveedores de productos y/o de mano de obra. La colaboración entre empresas y productores vulnerables de países en desarrollo es un tema relativamente nuevo y todavía poco estudiado. La pregunta que guía esta tesis es: “¿Cómo pueden las empresas facilitar la inclusión sostenible en cadenas de suministro de productores vulnerables de los países menos desarrollados?”. Para responder a la pregunta anterior, la autora ha aplicado una metodología de casos de estudio. Esta metodología se considera apropiada porque la investigación sobre cadenas de suministro inclusivas es todavía escasa y porque es necesario entender en profundidad un fenómeno de la vida real, y para ello es fundamental conocer su contexto. En primer lugar, se realiza una revisión de literatura para identificar las proposiciones y los constructos teóricos que guiarán la posterior recogida de datos. La revisión de literatura se divide en dos partes: una más general que explora la dimensión social de la sostenibilidad en cadenas de suministro, y una más específica que se centra en la incorporación de los pobres como proveedores en cadenas de suministro. A lo largo de la última década, ha habido un crecimiento exponencial de los estudios académicos sobre la sostenibilidad de las cadenas de suministro, pero la mayoría de los esfuerzos se han dirigido hacia la dimensión medioambiental de la sostenibilidad. Por lo tanto la revisión de literatura, que se presenta en la Sección 3.1 (página 35) y que profundiza en la sostenibilidad social de las cadenas de suministro, puede considerarse una contribución en sí misma. Esta revisión de literatura revela que la investigación sobre aspectos sociales en cadenas de suministro está cobrando impulso en distintas áreas de conocimiento, principalmente en los ámbitos de investigación sobre “gestión de cadenas de suministro”, “responsabilidad social corporativa” y “estudios del desarrollo”. La investigación existente sobre sostenibilidad social de cadenas de suministro se centra en tres temas: aclarar la definición de sostenibilidad social; analizar la implementación de estrategias de sostenibilidad social en cadenas de suministro; y estudiar el apoyo de las em presas líderes a proveedores vulnerables para facilitar su transición hacia la sostenibilidad. Un marco conceptual que resume los principales hallazgos de esta primera parte de la revisión de literatura es planteado en la Figura 7 (página 48). No obstante, en el área de investigación que está emergiendo en torno a la sostenibilidad social de las cadenas de suministro, los estudios relacionados con la reducción de la pobreza son aún escasos. Además se aprecia una falta de contribuciones desde y sobre los países menos desarrollados, así como una clara tendencia a reflejar la visión de las empresas líderes de las cadenas de suministro, olvidando la perspectiva de los proveedores. La segunda parte de la revisión de literatura presentada en la Sección 3.2 (página 51) profundiza en tres líneas de investigación que exploran, desde distintas perspectivas, la inclusión de los pobres en cadenas de suministro. Estas líneas son “Global Value Chains” (GVC), “Base of the Pyramid” (BoP) y “Sustainable Supply Chain Management” (SSCM). La investigación en GVC analiza las cadenas de suministro desde la perspectiva de la globalización económica y el comercio internacional, poniendo especial énfasis en las implicaciones para los países en desarrollo y las comunidades vulnerables. GVC caracteriza las cadenas de suministro según la forma en la que son gobernadas, las oportunidades de mejora que existen para los productores que forman parte de la cadena y el grado de inclusión o exclusión de las comunidades más pobres y vulnerables. La investigación en BoP explora las relaciones comerciales entre empresas y comunidades pobres. La premisa fundamental del concepto BoP es la posibilidad de combinar la generación de beneficios con la reducción de la pobreza. La propuesta original es que mediante la venta de productos y servicios a las comunidades pobres de países en desarrollo, la pobreza puede ser reducida al tiempo que las empresas incrementan sus beneficios, especialmente las grandes empresas multinacionales. Esta idea ha ido evolucionando y, a día de hoy, los investigadores BoP consideran la incorporación de los pobres no sólo como consumidores sino también como empleados, proveedores y co-creadores. La investigación en SSCM ha estado fundamentalmente orientada al estudio de la dimensión medioambiental de la sostenibilidad de cadenas de suministro. Sin embargo, la creciente externalización de la producción a países en desarrollo y las demandas de los grupos de interés para que las empresas aborden todos los aspectos de la sostenibilidad han llevado a los académicos de SSCM a reconocer la importancia de integrar asuntos relacionados con la reducción de la pobreza en sus investigaciones. Algunos estudios comienzan a apuntar los principales retos a los que se enfrentan las empresas para colaborar con productores vulnerables en sus cadenas de suministro. Estos retos son: falta de comunicación, altos costes de transacción y el incremento de la complejidad de las operaciones. Las contribuciones de estas tres líneas de investigación son complementarias para el estudio de las cadenas de suministro inclusivas. Sin embargo, raramente han sido consideradas conjuntamente, ya que pertenecen a ámbitos de conocimiento distintos. Esta tesis integra las aportaciones de GVC, BoP y SSCM en un marco conceptual para la creación y gestión de cadenas de suministro inclusivas. Este marco conceptual para cadenas de suministro inclusivas queda representado en la Figura 9 (página 68). El marco conceptual refleja las motivaciones que llevan a las empresas a colaborar con productores vulnerables, los retos a los que se enfrentan al hacerlo, y los caminos o estrategias que están siguiendo para construir y operar cadenas de suministro inclusivas de manera que sean beneficiosas tanto para la empresa como para los productores vulnerables. A fin de validar y refinar el marco conceptual propuesto, tres casos de estudio se llevan a cabo. Las cadenas de suministro analizadas por los casos de estudio pertenecen al sector agrícola y sus principales proveedores se encuentran en países de África subsahariana. Múltiples métodos de recolección de datos y triangulación son utilizados para mejorar la fiabilidad de los datos. La autora desarrolló trabajos de campo en Senegal, Etiopía y Tanzania. Estos viajes permitieron enriquecer el proceso de recogida de información mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas y conversaciones informales con los principales actores de la cadena de suministro y mediante la observación directa de los procesos y las interacciones entre productores vulnerables y empresas. El Caso de estudio A (Sección 5.1 en página 96) es un caso de estudio único. Analiza la cadena de suministro local de verduras en Senegal. La organización focal es Manobi, una empresa senegalesa que provee servicios de bajo coste a emprendedores locales del sector agrícola. El Caso de estudio A proporciona un interesante análisis del funcionamiento de una cadena de suministro local en un país en desarrollo y muestra como la provisión de servicios profesionales puede mejorar el desempeño de productores vulnerables. El Caso de estudio B (Sección 5.2 en página 122) es un caso de estudio único. Analiza la cadena de suministro global de flor cortada con origen en Etiopía. La organización focal es EHPEA, la Asociación Etíope de Productores y Exportadores Hortícolas, cuya misión es promover y salvaguardar la posición competitiva del sector agrícola etíope en el mercado global. El Caso de estudio B ayuda a comprender mejor la perspectiva de los proveedores respecto a los requerimiento de sostenibilidad del mercado global. También muestra cómo la inclusión de los productores en el proceso de desarrollo de un estándar privado facilita su implementación posterior. El Caso de estudio C (Sección 5.3 en página 143) es un caso de estudio múltiple. Analiza la cadena de suministro global de café especial con origen en Tanzania. Las organizaciones focales son comerciantes que conectan de manera directa a pequeños agricultores de café en países en desarrollo con empresas tostadoras de café en países desarrollados. El Caso de estudio C muestra cómo un pequeño agricultor puede proveer un producto “premium” al mercado global, y participar en un segmento diferenciado del mercado a través de una cadena de suministro transparente y eficiente. Las aportaciones empíricas de los casos de estudio ayudan a validar y mejorar el marco conceptual sobre cadenas de suministro inclusivas (ver discusión en el Capítulo 6 en página 170). El resultado es la propuesta de una nueva versión del marco conceptual representado en la Figura 40 (página 195). Los casos de estudio también proporcionan interesantes aportaciones en relación a la gestión de cadenas de suministro inclusivas y muestran las perspectivas de distintos actores implicados. Esta tesis arroja luz sobre el papel de las empresas en la creación y la gestión de cadenas de suministro inclusivas llevando a cabo una revisión de literatura multidisciplinar y analizando tres casos de estudio en países africanos. Como resultado, esta tesis presenta una serie de contribuciones empíricas y teóricas al ámbito de investigación emergente en torno a las cadenas de suministro inclusivas (Capítulo 7). Esta tesis también pretende ser útil a profesionales que deseen facilitar la incorporación de los pobres como proveedores en condiciones justas y beneficiosas. ABSTRACT The global outlook is changing, and this is influencing the way we understand and try to achieve sustainable human development. Population growth entails increasing pressure over resources, but it also provides greater workforce and talent; concentration in urban areas is changing social dynamics and challenging traditional marketing channels, but also creating news markets and driving innovation; the global economy shift is rebalancing the traditional power imbalance between Western countries and the rest of the world, making new opportunities to arise; and interconnections and global interdependence create new risks but also opportunities for launching initiatives with a global reach. All these trends are impelling us to rethink what development is and in which way poverty alleviation should be approached. It is generally agreed that globalization implies interdependence and, in order to achieve sustainable human development, collaboration of all actors is needed. A convergence of issues, interests and solutions related to sustainable development is being observed across countries and sectors, encouraging strategic collaboration among companies, governments and civil society. There is little doubt nowadays about the crucial role of the private sector in the world’s path towards environmental sustainability and poverty alleviation. Businesses are evolving from a “business as usual” stance to a more sustainable and responsible approach. In the environmental arena, many companies have already “walk the talk”, implementing environmental management systems and trying to reduce emissions and energy consumption. However, regarding poverty alleviation, their contribution is less clear. There are around 1.2 billion people living in extreme poverty. Most of this people still live in rural areas where the agricultural sector employs a big part of the active population. Therefore, improving opportunities and reducing risks for vulnerable producers in the agri-food sector can be a primary engine of rural development and poverty alleviation, particularly in the poor, agriculture-based economies of least developed countries. Some companies are beginning to include the poor into their operations as consumers, suppliers and entrepreneurs. This thesis focuses specifically on the potential opportunities related to the sustainable incorporation of the poor as suppliers of products and/or labor. Business collaboration with vulnerable producers in developing countries is a relatively new trend and it is still understudied. The overall question guiding this thesis is: “How can businesses facilitate the sustainable inclusion of vulnerable producers from least developed countries into supply chains?”. In order to answer the research question, the author has applied a case study research strategy. This methodology is considered appropriate because research about inclusive supply chains is still at an early stage, and because there is a need to understand a real-life phenomenon in depth, but such understanding encompasses important contextual conditions. First, a literature review is conducted, in order to identify the research propositions and theoretical constructs that will guide the data collection. The literature review is divided in two parts: a more general one that explores the social dimension of sustainability of supply chains, and a more specific one that focuses on the incorporation of the poor as suppliers in supply chains. During the last decade, there has been an exponential growth of studies in the field of supply chain sustainability, but research efforts have traditionally been directed towards the analysis of the environmental dimension. Therefore, the literature review presented in Section 3.1 (page 35) that delves into social sustainability of supply chains can be considered a contribution in itself. This literature review reveals that the investigation of social issues in supply chains is gaining momentum and comes from different academic disciplines, namely Supply Chain Management, Corporate Social Responsibility and Development Studies. Existing research about social sustainability of supply chains focuses on three issues: clarify the definition of social sustainability; analyze the implementation of social sustainability strategies in supply chains; and study lead companies’ support to vulnerable suppliers in their transition towards sustainability. A conceptual framework that outlines the main findings that emerge from this first part of literature review is proposed in Figure 7 (page 48). Nevertheless, in this nascent field of social sustainability of supply chains, studies related to poverty alleviation are still scarce. Moreover, a lack of contributions from and about least developed countries has been observed, as well as a tendency to reflect on the lead firms’ standpoint, neglecting the suppliers’ perspective. The second part of the literature review (Section 3.2 in page 51) delves into three research streams that are exploring the inclusion of the poor into supply chains from different viewpoints. These research streams are Global Value Chains (GVC), Base of the Pyramid (BoP) and Sustainable Supply Chain Management (SSCM). GVC research discusses the dynamics of economic globalization and international trade, putting special emphasis in the implications for developing countries and vulnerable communities. GVC characterizes supply chains by the way they are governed, the upgrading opportunities that exist for producers in the chain and the degree of inclusion or exclusion of impoverished communities. BoP research explores trading relationships between businesses and impoverished communities. The core premise of the BoP concept is the possibility to combine profits with poverty alleviation. The original BoP proposition is that by marketing innovative products and services to poor communities in developing countries, poverty would be reduced and companies would increase their benefits, especially multinational companies. This idea has evolved to consider the incorporation of the poor to business activities not only as consumers, but also as employees, entrepreneurs and co-creators. The SSCM school of thought has mainly focused on studying the environmental dimension of supply chain sustainability, neglecting the consideration of the social perspective. However, in recent years, increasing outsourcing of production to developing countries and stakeholders’ demands for a more holistic approach to business sustainability have led SSCM scholars to acknowledge the importance of integrating poverty concerns in this field’s research agenda. Some SSCM studies identify the main operational challenges for companies which engage with vulnerable suppliers in their supply chains: missing communication, higher transactional and operational costs and increased complexity. Contributions from these three research streams are complementary for the study of inclusive supply chains. However, they have been rarely considered together, since they belong to different research areas. This thesis seeks to play a dovetailing role in this scenario by proposing a conceptual framework for creating and operating inclusive supply chains that builds on contributions from GVC, SSCM and BoP research. This framework for inclusive supply chains is depicted in Figure 9 (page 68), and explains the motivations that drive businesses to collaborate with vulnerable suppliers, the chal lenges they face in doing so, and the pathways they are following in order to build and operate inclusive supply chains profitably for both buying companies and vulnerable suppliers. In order to validate and refine the proposed framework, three case studies are carried out. The supply chains analyzed by the case studies belong to the agri-food sector and source from Sub-Saharan African countries. Multiple data collection methods and triangulation are used in order to improve reliability of findings. The author carried out field work in Senegal, Ethiopia and Tanzania. These travels enriched the data collection process, providing semi-structured interviews and informal conversations with the main actors in the supply chains, as well as direct observation of processes and interactions among companies and vulnerable suppliers. Case study A (Section 5.1 in page 96) is a single case study. It analyzes a local supply chain in Senegal providing vegetables to the local market. The focal organization is Manobi, a Senegalese inclusive business which provides affordable ICT services to local entrepreneurs in the agri-food sector. Case study A provides interesting insights into the dynamics of local supply chains and how professional services can help to improve their performance. Case study B (Section 5.2 in page 122) is a single case study. It analyzes a global supply chain with origin in Ethiopia providing cut flowers to the global commodity market. The focal organization is EHPEA, Ethiopian Horticulture Producers and Exporters Association, whose mission is to promote and safeguard the competitive position of the Ethiopian horticulture sector within the global market. Case study B helps to better understand the suppliers’ perspective regarding global market sustainability requirements and shows how the inclusion of suppliers in the process of development of a private standard has a positive impact in its implementation. Case study C (Section 5.3 in page 143) is a multiple case study. It analyzes a global supply chain with origin in Tanzania providing coffee to the global niche market of specialty coffee. The focal organizations are traders who are directly connecting smallholder coffee farmers in developing countries to coffee roasters in developed countries. Case study C shows how smallholder farmers can supply a premium product and be incorporated in a differentiated market segment through a transparent and efficient supply chain. The empirical findings from the case studies help to validate and refine the conceptual framework (see discussion in Chapter 6). The proposal of a new version of the conceptual framework is depicted in Figure 40 (page 195). The case studies also provide interesting insights related to the management of inclusive supply chains and show the perspectives of the different actors involved. This thesis sheds some light on the role of businesses in the creation and operation of inclusive supply chains by carrying out a cross-disciplinary literature review and analyzing three case studies in African countries. In doing so, this thesis presents a series of theoretical and empirical contributions to the emerging academic field of inclusive supply chains (Chapter 7). This thesis also intends to be useful to practitioners willing to improve the incorporation of the poor as suppliers in fair and profitable conditions.

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The annexation of Crimea has brought the Russian authorities significant dividends, in particular on the domestic stage: it has resulted in an unprecedented social and political consolidation, and strengthened Vladimir Putin’s position after several years of decline in social support for him. It has provided Russia with strategic benefits, giving it broad access to the Black Sea and the military infrastructure on the peninsula, as well as access to natural gas and crude oil reserves. Russia has also taken over numerous assets (including the tourist infrastructure) previously owned by the Ukrainian state. However, the decision itself concerning Moscow’s annexation of Crimea was taken off the cuff, with no calculation of the costs of integrating it with the Russian legal, political and socio-economic space. Russia took over a region that required subsidies from the Ukrainian budget; moreover, the annexation struck at the most important industry of the Crimean economy – tourism. Crimea’s integration with Russia will be a complex process that entails high costs, financial, organisational and social, including multi-billion dollar investments in the modernisation and development of infrastructure, covering the region’s budget deficit, and paying out social benefits. For reasons of prestige and political significance, Moscow is treating Crimea as a showcase region. Russia is determined to prove that the Crimean incorporation will be beneficial for the region’s economy and will raise people’s living standards. However, the expenses triggered by Crimea’s integration will coincide with a deteriorating economic situation in Russia, aggravated by US and EU sanctions, and this may force Russia to postpone or even give up some of its ambitious investments in the peninsula. Some of the integration costs will have to be borne by other Russian regions, even though they already face serious financial problems that have forced them to reduce their own investment programs. Another issue that has come into question is the fulfilment of the Crimean people’s’ expectations concerning the improvement of their living standards, due to the tourist sector’s problems (small-scale tourist services used to be one of the local people’s main sources of income), the rising costs of maintenance, and finally, restrictions of civil rights after the introduction of the more restrictive Russian legislation.