904 resultados para Third generations


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Increasingly the health and welfare needs of individuals and communities are being met by third sector, or not-for-profit, organizations. Since the 1980s third sector organizations have been subject to significant, sector-wide changes, such as the development of contractual funding and an increasing need to collaborate with governments and other sectors. In particular, the processes of ‘professionalization’ and ‘bureaucratization’ have received significant attention and are now well documented in third sector literature. These processes are often understood to create barriers between organizations and their community groups and neutralize alternative forms of service provision. In this article we provide a case study of an Australian third sector organization undergoing professionalization. The case study draws on ethnographic and qualitative interviews with staff and volunteers at a health-based third sector organization involved in service provision to marginalized community groups. We examine how professionalization alters organizational spaces and dynamics and conclude that professionalized third sector spaces may still be ‘community’ spaces where individuals may give and receive care and services. Moreover, we suggest that these community spaces hold potential for resisting the neutralizing effects of contracting.

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This chapter analyses the affordances and constraints of an online literacy program designed for Indigenous Australian youth through a partnership between the Indigenous community, university staff and local schools. The after-school program sought to build on the cultural resources and experiences of the young people through a dialogic process of planning, negotiating, implementing, reflecting, and renegotiating the program with participants and a range of stakeholders. In the majority of cases, students presented themselves as part of pervasive global popular cultures, often hot-linking their webpages to pop icons and local sports stars. Elders regarded their competency as a potential cultural tool and community resource.

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Research on analogies in science education has focussed on student interpretation of teacher and textbook analogies, psychological aspects of learning with analogies and structured approaches for teaching with analogies. Few studies have investigated how analogies might be pivotal in students’ growing participation in chemical discourse. To study analogies in this way requires a sociocultural perspective on learning that focuses on ways in which language, signs, symbols and practices mediate participation in chemical discourse. This study reports research findings from a teacher-research study of two analogy-writing activities in a chemistry class. The study began with a theoretical model, Third Space, which informed analyses and interpretation of data. Third Space was operationalized into two sub-constructs called Dialogical Interactions and Hybrid Discourses. The aims of this study were to investigate sociocultural aspects of learning chemistry with analogies in order to identify classroom activities where students generate Dialogical Interactions and Hybrid Discourses, and to refine the operationalization of Third Space. These aims were addressed through three research questions. The research questions were studied through an instrumental case study design. The study was conducted in my Year 11 chemistry class at City State High School for the duration of one Semester. Data were generated through a range of data collection methods and analysed through discourse analysis using the Dialogical Interactions and Hybrid Discourse sub-constructs as coding categories. Results indicated that student interactions differed between analogical activities and mathematical problem-solving activities. Specifically, students drew on discourses other than school chemical discourse to construct analogies and their growing participation in chemical discourse was tracked using the Third Space model as an interpretive lens. Results of this study led to modification of the theoretical model adopted at the beginning of the study to a new model called Merged Discourse. Merged Discourse represents the mutual relationship that formed during analogical activities between the Analog Discourse and the Target Discourse. This model can be used for interpreting and analysing classroom discourse centred on analogical activities from sociocultural perspectives. That is, it can be used to code classroom discourse to reveal students’ growing participation with chemical (or scientific) discourse consistent with sociocultural perspectives on learning.

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Abstract Neopolycystus sp. is the only primary egg parasitoid associated with the pest beetle Paropsis atomaria in subtropical eucalypt plantations, but its impact on its host populations is unknown. The simplified ecosystem represented by the plantation habitat, lack of interspecific competition for host and parasitoid, and the multivoltinism of the host population makes this an ideal system for quantifying the direct and indirect effects of egg parasitism, and hence, effects on host population dynamics. Within-, between- and overall-egg-batch parasitism rates were determined at three field sites over two field seasons, and up to seven host generations. The effect of exposure time (egg batch age), host density proximity to native forest and water sources on egg parasitism rates was also tested. Neopolycystus sp. exerts a significant influence on P. atomaria populations in Eucalyptus cloeziana. plantations in south-eastern Queensland, causing the direct (13%) and indirect (15%) mortality of almost one-third of all eggs in the field. Across seasons and generations, 45% of egg batches were parasitised, with a within-batch parasitism rate of around 30%. Between-batch parasitism increased up to 5–6 days after oviposition in the field, although within-batch parasitism rates generally did not. However, there were few apparent patterns to egg parasitism, with rates often varying significantly between sites and seasons.

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In a mini review from 2002, Tyler Jacks and Robert Weinberg commented on the pioneering three-dimensional (3D) culture work from Bissell laboratories and concluded: “Suddenly the study of cancer cells in two dimensions seems quaint if not archaic.” The relevance of this statement for planning and executing mechanistic biological studies and advanced drug testing has been largely disregarded by both academic researchers and the pharmaceutical and biomedical industry in the twenty-first century.

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Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s Apology to Australia’s Stolen Generations, delivered on 13 February 2008, is both personal and political to me just as the people who talk about it make it political and personal through their actions. This paper represents my attempt to turn the gaze through articulating some of my thoughts on the Apology, policy statements (Close the Gap) and the inconsistencies within the leadership of the present governments. I have endeavoured to do this through exploring the articulations of others and by sharing examples and personal experiences. In bringing forth some analysis to the literature, examples and experiences, I reveal the relationships between oppression, white race privilege and institutional privilege and the epistemology that maintains them. In moving from the position of being silent on the Apology, and my political experiences, to speaking about them, I am able to move from the position of object to subject and to gain a form of liberated voice (hooks 1989:9). Furthermore, I am hopeful that it will encourage others to examine their own practices within political parties and governments and to challenge the domination that continues to subjugate Indigenous peoples. It is only through people enacting their responsibilities and making changes in their daily lives and through the institutions and organisations to which they belong (the personal and political), can the Apology move beyond symbolic to action.

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Current research and practice related to the first year experience (FYE) of commencing higher education students are still mainly piecemeal rather than institution-wide with institutions struggling to achieve cross-institutional integration, coordination and coherence of FYE policy and practice. Drawing on a decade of FYE-related research including an ALTC Senior Fellowship and evidence at a large Australian metropolitan university, this paper explores how one institution has addressed that issue by tracing the evolution and maturation of strategies that ultimately conceptualize FYE as “everybody's business.” It is argued that, when first generation co-curricular and second generation curricular approaches are integrated and implemented through an intentionally designed curriculum by seamless partnerships of academic and professional staff in a whole-of-institution transformation, we have a third generation approach labelled here as transition pedagogy. It is suggested that transition pedagogy provides the optimal vehicle for dealing with the increasingly diverse commencing student cohorts by facilitating a sense of engagement, support and belonging. What is presented here is an example of transition pedagogy in action.

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In the current thesis, the reasons for the differential impact of Holocaust trauma on Holocaust survivors, and the differential intergenerational transmission of this trauma to survivors’ children and grandchildren were explored. A model specifically related to Holocaust trauma and its transmission was developed based on trauma, family systems and attachment theories as well as theoretical and anecdotal conjecture in the Holocaust literature. The Model of the Differential Impact of Holocaust Trauma across Three Generations was tested firstly by extensive meta-analyses of the literature pertaining to the psychological health of Holocaust survivors and their descendants and secondly via analysis of empirical study data. The meta-analyses reported in this thesis represent the first conducted with research pertaining to Holocaust survivors and grandchildren of Holocaust survivors. The meta-analysis of research conducted with children of survivors is the first to include both published and unpublished research. Meta-analytic techniques such as meta-regression and sub-set meta-analyses provided new information regarding the influence of a number of unmeasured demographic variables on the psychological health of Holocaust survivors and descendants. Based on the results of the meta-analyses it was concluded that Holocaust survivors and their children and grandchildren suffer from a statistically significantly higher level or greater severity of psychological symptoms than the general population. However it was also concluded that there is statistically significant variation in psychological health within the Holocaust survivor and descendant populations. Demographic variables which may explain a substantial amount of this variation have been largely under-assessed in the literature and so an empirical study was needed to clarify the role of demographics in determining survivor and descendant mental health. A total of 124 participants took part in the empirical study conducted for this thesis with 27 Holocaust survivors, 69 children of survivors and 28 grandchildren of survivors. A worldwide recruitment process was used to obtain these participants. Among the demographic variables assessed in the empirical study, aspects of the survivors’ Holocaust trauma (namely the exact nature of their Holocaust experiences, the extent of family bereavement and their country of origin) were found to be particularly potent predictors of not only their own psychological health but continue to be strongly influential in determining the psychological health of their descendants. Further highlighting the continuing influence of the Holocaust was the finding that number of Holocaust affected ancestors was the strongest demographic predictor of grandchild of survivor psychological health. Apart from demographic variables, the current thesis considered family environment dimensions which have been hypothesised to play a role in the transmission of the traumatic impact of the Holocaust from survivors to their descendants. Within the empirical study, parent-child attachment was found to be a key determinant in the transmission of Holocaust trauma from survivors to their children and insecure parent-child attachment continues to reverberate through the generations. In addition, survivors’ communication about the Holocaust and their Holocaust experiences to their children was found to be more influential than general communication within the family. Ten case studies (derived from the empirical study data set) are also provided; five Holocaust survivors, three children of survivors and two grandchildren of survivors. These cases add further to the picture of heterogeneity of the survivor and descendant populations in both experiences and adaptations. It is concluded that the legacy of the Holocaust continues to leave its mark on both its direct survivors and their descendants. Even two generations removed, the direct and indirect effects of the Holocaust have yet to be completely nullified. Research with Holocaust survivor families serves to highlight the differential impacts of state-based trauma and the ways in which its effects continue to be felt for generations. The revised and empirically tested Model of the Differential Impact of Holocaust Trauma across Three Generations presented at the conclusion of this thesis represents a further clarification of existing trauma theories as well as the first attempt at determining the relative importance of both cognitive, interpersonal/interfamilial interaction processes and demographic variables in post-trauma psychological health and transmission of traumatic impact.

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By integrating stewardship theory and entrepreneurial orientation perspectives we contribute to the understanding of the concept of family enterprising. Using excerpts from a single case study we provide insight into how a third generation Australian family has evolved and transformed by embracing the notion of family enterprising, which, we suggest, places them in a strong position for sustainability across generations.

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This book (256 pages, written in Korean) is a critical essay that reviews, questions, and criticises Korean and Eastern immigrants’ thinking and behaviour styles in Australia from their cultural perspectives, and discuss and proposes a creative cultural dimension for their better life in a multicultural context. Multiculturalism is not supportive of Eastern cultures because of individualistic collection of cultures, while transculturalism facilitates nurture of their culture in a community-oriented way within multicultural circumstances. Korean and Eastern immigrants, sharing oriental cultural systems and values, should approach to the Australian multicultural context with transculturalism which allows creating new cultural values in collaboration with and by participation into local communities. ------------------------------------------------------------ Many Eastern immigrants live in their own ethnic communities without or less interacting with Australian (communities). The author defines this phenomenon as “reverse immigration”. Reverse immigration refers to re-immigrating to their ethnic community in Australia or to their birth country despite they did not anticipate that this would happen to them before immigration to Australia. The author argues that Easterners’ collectivistic culture often devalues individuality and vice versa. Cultural clash between West and East often forces the immigrants to choose reverse immigration because of their lack of understanding of Western culture and their cultural characteristics such as low individuality, high power distance, and high uncertainty avoidance. For example, a vague boundary between individualist and collectivist in a collectivistic context (within their ethnic group) often leads to maladjustment to local communities and enhancement of cultural conservatism. The author proposes that the cultural clash can be overcome by cross-cultural activities named “transculturalism”. To Eastern immigrants, transculturalism can be achieved by acculturation of their two predominant cultures, the third-person perspective and generalised others. In a multicultural context, the former refers to the ability to share another person's feelings and emotions as if they were your own, and the latter does the ability to manage community and public expectations. When both cultural values are used for quality interactions between East and West, they allow Eastern immigrants to be more creative and critical and Australian to be more socially inclusive and culturally tolerant. With these discussions, the author discusses cultural differences throughout the book with four topics (chapters) and proposes transculturalism as a solution to the reverse immigration. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 1 criticises Koreans’ attitudes and methods towards learning English that is less pragmatic and practical, but more likely to be a scholarly study. The author explains that Koreans’ non-pragmatic towards learning English has been firmly built based on their traditional systems and values that Koreans view English as a discipline and an aim of academic achievements rather than a means of communication. Within their cultural context, English can be perceived as more than a language, but something like vastly superior to their language and culture. Their collectivistic culture regards English as an unreachable and heterogeneous one that may threaten their cultural identity, so that “scholarly studying” is only the way to achieve (not learn) it. This discourages the immigrants to engage and involve in daily dialogues by “using” English as a second language. The author further advises the readers to be aware of Eastern collectivistic culture in communication and interaction that sometimes completely reverses private and public topics in a Western context. This leads them to feel that they have no content to talk to natives. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 2 compares between Korea and Australia in terms of their educational systems and values, and proposes how Eastern overseas students can achieve critical and creative thinking within a Western educational setting. Interestingly, this chapter includes an explanation of why Eastern overseas students easily fail assessments including essay writing, oral presentations and discussions. One of the reasons the author explains is that Eastern students are not familiar to criticise others and think creatively, especially when they recognise that their words and ideas may harm the collectivistic harmony. Western educational systems focuses on enhancement of individuality such as self-confidence, self-esteem, and self-expression, while Eastern educational systems foster group-oriented values such as interpersonal relationship, and strong moral and spiritual values. Yet, the author argues that the collectivistic approach to criticism and creativity is often more critical and creative than Western individuals when they know what they are supposed to do for a group (or a community). Therefore, Eastern students need to think their cultural merits and demerits by using an individual perspective rather than generalised others’ perspective. The latter often discourages individual participation in a community, and the generalised others in a Western culture is weaker than Eastern. Furthermore, Western educational systems do not educate students to transform (loose) their individuality to fit into a group or a community. Rather they cultivate individuality for community prosperity. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 3 introduces various cases of reverse immigration in workplaces that many immigrants return to their country or their ethnic community after many trials for acculturation. Reverse immigration is unexpected and not planned before immigration, so that its emotional embarrassment increases such severe social loneliness. Most Eastern immigrant workers have tried to adjust themselves in this new cultural environment at the early stages of immigration. However, their cultural features of collectivism, high power distance, high uncertainty avoidance, and long-term oriented cultures suppress individual initiative and eliminate the space for experiments in ways of acculturation. The author argues that returning to their ethnic community (physically and psychologically) leads to two significant problems: their distorted parenting and becoming more conservatives. The former leads the first generation of immigrants to pressure their children to pursue extrinsic or materialist values, such as financial success, fame and physical appearance, rather than on intrinsic values, while the latter refers to their isolated conservative characters because of their remoteness from the changes of their own country. The author also warns that their ethnic and religious groups actively strengthens immigrants’ social loneliness and systematically discourages immigrants’ interests and desire to be involving into local communities. The ethnic communities and leaders have not been interacting with Australian local communities and, as a result, are eager to conserve outdated cultural systems values. Even they have a tendency to weed out those people who wish to settle down within Australian local communities. They believe that those people can threaten their community’s survival and continuity. ------------------------------------------------------------ Chapter 4 titled multiculturalism argues that Korean and Eastern immigrants should more precisely understand Australia as a multicultural society in a way of collaboratively creating new cultural values. The author introduces multiculturalism with its definitions and history in Australia and argues the limitations of multiculturalism from an Easterner’s perspective. With well known tragedies of the second generations of U.S. immigrants, Cho Seung-Hui, a university student, massacred 32 people on the Virginia Tech before committing suicide and Hidal Hassan, an Army psychiatrist, killed 13 people at Fort Hood and the responses of ethnic community, the author explains that their mental illness may be derived from their parents’ (or ethnic group) culturally isolated attitude and socially static viewpoint of U.S. (Western system and values). The author insists that multiculturalism may restrict Eastern immigrants’ engagement and involvement in local communities. Multiculturalism has been systematically and historically developed based on Western systems and cultural values. In other words, multiculturalism requires high self-confidence and self-esteem that Eastern immigrants less prioritise them. It has been generally known that Easterners put more weight on human relationship than Westerners, but the author claims that this is not true. Within an individualistic culture, Westerners are more interested in building person-to-person connections and relationships. While Easterners are more interested in how individuals can achieve a sense of belonging within a group and a community. Therefore, multiculturalism is an ideology which forces Eastern immigrants to discard their strong desire to be part of a group and does not give a sense of belonging. In a consequence, the author advises that Eastern immigrants should aim towards “transculturalism” which allows them to actively participate in and contribute to their multicultural community. Transculturalism does not ask Easterners to discard their cultural values, but enables them to be a collectivistic individualist (a community leader) who is capable of developing new cultural values in a more creative and productive way. Furthermore, transculturalism encourages Western Australians in a multicultural context to collaborate with ethnic minorities to build a better community.

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‘Knowledge’ is a resource, which relies on the past for a better future. In the 21st century, more than ever before, cities around the world depend on the knowledge of their citizens, their institutions and their firms and enterprises. The knowledge image, the human competence and the reputation of their public and private institutions and corporations profiles a city. It attracts investment, qualified labour and professionals, as well as students and researchers. And it creates local life spaces and professional milieus, which offer the quality of life to the citizens that are seeking to cope with the challenges of modern life in a competitive world. Integrating knowledge-based development in urban strategies and policies, beyond the provision of schools and locations for higher education, has become a new ambitious arena of city politics. Coming from theory to practice, and bringing together the manifold knowledge stakeholders in a city and preparing joint visions for the knowledge city is a new challenge for city managers, urban planners and leaders of the civic society . It requires visionary power, creativity, holistic thinking, the willingness to cooperate with all groups of the local civil society, and the capability to moderate communication processes to overcome conflicts and to develop joint action for a sustainable future.

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Provisional supervision (PS) is Hong Kong’s proposed new corporate rescue procedure. In essence, it is a procedure for the preparation by a professional, usually an accountant or a solicitor, of a proposal for a voluntary arrangement, supported by a moratorium. There should be little court involvement in the process and it is anticipated that the costs and delays of the process would be less than alternate, currently available procedures. This article will retrace some of the key events and issues arising from the numerous policy and legislative debates about PS in Hong Kong. At present the Hong Kong government is in the midst of drafting a new Bill on corporate rescue procedure to be introduced to the HKSAR Legislative Council. This will be the third attempt. Setting aside the controversies and the content of this new effort by the Hong Kong administration, the Global Financial Crisis in 2008 has signalled to the international policy and business community, free markets alone cannot be an effective regulatory mechanism. Having legal safeguards and clear rules to regulate procedures and conduct of market participants are imperative to avoid future financial meltdowns.