Teaching about trafficking : opportunities and challenges for critical engagement

When I was first invited to teach a women's studies course called Sex Trafficking in 2002, most of my students had never heard of the issue. Internet and literature searches for "trafficking" mostly turned up references to trafficking in drugs and weapons, not people. When I revised the course for a topical capstone in Criminology, Justice, and Policy Studies in 2006, all of my students had heard about human trafficking, and a handful had already studied it in other classes. The availability of books, films, scholarly articles, and advocacy pieces had all increased exponentially since I first became engaged in the field. This bounty provided a wealth of resources for teaching but also presented a greater challenge when it came to deciding which texts to include. It also added to the inevitable pedagogical angst over what to leave out. I came to know about trafficking by accident, when I was hired as a research assistant at The Protection Project (TPP) in 1999. In my time at TPP I authored a literature review on human trafficking. At that time, my comprehensive database of sources contained fewer than one hundred books and articles, a few UN documents, a handful of films, and some websites from nongovernmental organizations. My review of the literature inevitably reflected the ideological chasm between those who saw trafficking as primarily a labor, migration, and rights issue and those who saw it as primarily a sexual exploitation issue. On the policy end, these ideological orientations created bizarre bedfellows of individuals and organizations that otherwise would have been at odds. The ideological divide has not diminished in the intervening years, and it is important to be aware of and to negotiate this in designing a course on trafficking. As a feminist teacher, I was very aware of the divisions among feminists on the subject of trafficking, and was interested in communicating these differences to students who were not well versed in the varieties of feminist thought. I was also mindful of the difficulties my American students had in engaging with some of the course texts and issues the first time around. For some students, moral judgments about prostitutes were as far as they were able to go in engaging with the course. These students could not find a way in to think about the many issues involved in trafficking. How could I reach them? In this article, I share some of my texts and tactics with others who might find themselves in a position to teach about human trafficking. I include my case for why feminist teachers should teach trafficking, an overview of the debate that divides the field, my rationale for organizing the course the way that I did, issues to consider when designing a course on trafficking, and some suggested readings, films, and web resources.

Serine protease inhibition and mitochondrial dysfunction associated with cisplatin resistance in human tumor cell lines : targets for therapy

Indicators of mitochondrial function were studied in two different cell culture models of cis-diamminedichloroplatinum-II (CDDP) resistance: the intrinsically resistant human ovarian cancer cell line CI-80-13S, and resistant clones (HeLa-S1a and HeLa-S1b) generated by stable expression of the serine protease inhibitor—plasminogen activator inhibitor type-2 (PAI-2), in the human cervical cancer cell line HeLa. In both models, CDDP resistance was associated with sensitivity to killing by adriamycin, etoposide, auranofin, bis[1,2-bis(diphenylphosphino)ethane]gold(I) chloride {[Au(DPPE)2]Cl}, CdCl2 and the mitochondrial inhibitors rhodamine-123 (Rhl23), dequalinium chloride (DeCH), tetraphenylphosphonium (TPP), and ethidium bromide (EtBr) and with lower constitutive levels of ATP. Unlike the HeLa clones, CI-80-13S cells were additionally sensitive to chloramphenicol, 1-methyl-4-phenylpyridinium ion (MPP+), rotenone, thenoyltrifluoroacetone (TTFA), and antimycin A, and showed poor reduction of 1-[4,5-dimethylthiazol-2-yl]-2,5-diphenyltetrazolium bromide (MTT), suggesting a deficiency in NADH dehydrogenase and/or succinate dehydrogenase activities. Total platinum uptake and DNA-bound platinum were slightly lower in CI-80-13S than in sensitive cells. The HeLa-S1a and HeLa-S1b clones, on the other hand, showed poor reduction of triphenyltetrazolium chloride (TTC), indicative of low cytochrome c oxidase activity. Total platinum uptake by HeLa-S1a was similar to HeLa, but DNA-bound platinum was much lower than for the parent cell line. The mitochondria of CI-80-13S and HeLa-S1a showed altered morphology and were fewer in number than those of JAM and HeLa. In both models, CDDP resistance was associated with less platinum accumulation and with mitochondrial and membrane defects, brought about one case with expression of a protease inhibitor which is implicated in tumor progression. Such markers may identify tumors suitable for treatment with gold phosphine complexes or other mitochondrial inhibitors.

Physico-chemical/biological properties of tripolyphosphate cross-linked chitosan based

In this study, chitosan-PEO blend, prepared in a 15 M acetic acid, was electrospun into nanofibers (~ 78 nm diameter) with bead free morphology. While investigating physico-chemical parameters of blend solutions, effect of yield stress on chitosan based nanofiber fabrication was clearly evidenced. Architectural stability of nanofiber mat in aqueous medium was achieved by ionotropic cross-linking of chitosan by tripolyphosphate (TPP) ions. The TPP cross-linked nanofiber mat showed swelling up to ~ 300 % in 1h and ~ 40 % degradation during 30 d study period. 3T3 fibroblast cells showed good attachment, proliferation and viability on TPP treated chitosan based nanofiber mats. The results indicate non-toxic nature of TPP cross-linked chitosan based nanofibers and their potential to be explored as a tissue engineering matrix.

Serine protease inhibition and mitochondrial dysfunction associated with cisplatin resistance in human tumor cell lines: targets for therapy

Indicators of mitochondrial function were studied in two different cell culture models of cis-diamminedichloroplatinum-II (CDDP) resistance: the intrinsically resistant human ovarian cancer cell line CI-80-13S, and resistant clones (HeLa-S1a and HeLa-S1b) generated by stable expression of the serine protease inhibitor—plasminogen activator inhibitor type-2 (PAI-2), in the human cervical cancer cell line HeLa. In both models, CDDP resistance was associated with sensitivity to killing by adriamycin, etoposide, auranofin, bis[1,2-bis(diphenylphosphino)ethane]gold(I) chloride {[Au(DPPE)2]Cl}, CdCl2 and the mitochondrial inhibitors rhodamine-123 (Rhl23), dequalinium chloride (DeCH), tetraphenylphosphonium (TPP), and ethidium bromide (EtBr) and with lower constitutive levels of ATP. Unlike the HeLa clones, CI-80-13S cells were additionally sensitive to chloramphenicol, 1-methyl-4-phenylpyridinium ion (MPP+), rotenone, thenoyltrifluoroacetone (TTFA), and antimycin A, and showed poor reduction of 1-[4,5-dimethylthiazol-2-yl]-2,5-diphenyltetrazolium bromide (MTT), suggesting a deficiency in NADH dehydrogenase and/or succinate dehydrogenase activities. Total platinum uptake and DNA-bound platinum were slightly lower in CI-80-13S than in sensitive cells. The HeLa-S1a and HeLa-S1b clones, on the other hand, showed poor reduction of triphenyltetrazolium chloride (TTC), indicative of low cytochrome c oxidase activity. Total platinum uptake by HeLa-S1a was similar to HeLa, but DNA-bound platinum was much lower than for the parent cell line. The mitochondria of CI-80-13S and HeLa-S1a showed altered morphology and were fewer in number than those of JAM and HeLa. In both models, CDDP resistance was associated with less platinum accumulation and with mitochondrial and membrane defects, brought about one case with expression of a protease inhibitor which is implicated in tumor progression. Such markers may identify tumors suitable for treatment with gold phosphine complexes or other mitochondrial inhibitors.

Plain packaging for the Pacific Rim: The Trans-Pacific Partnership and tobacco control

Big Tobacco has been engaged in a dark, shadowy plot and conspiracy to hijack the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) and undermine tobacco control measures – such as graphic health warnings and the plain packaging of tobacco products... In the context of this heavy lobbying by Big Tobacco and its proxies, this chapter provides an analysis of the debate over trade, tobacco, and the TPP. This discussion is necessarily focused on the negotiations of the free trade agreement – the shadowy conflicts before the finalisation of the text. This chapter contends that the trade negotiations threaten hard-won gains in public health – including international developments such as the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, and domestic measures, such as graphic health warnings and the plain packaging of tobacco products. It maintains that there is a need for regional trade agreements to respect the primacy of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. There is a need both to provide for an open and transparent process regarding such trade negotiations, as well as a due and proper respect for public health in terms of substantive obligations. Part I focuses on the debate over the intellectual property chapter of the TPP, within the broader context of domestic litigation against Australia’s plain tobacco packaging regime and associated WTO disputes. Part II examines the investment chapter of the TPP, taking account of ongoing investment disputes concerning tobacco control and the declared approaches of Australia and New Zealand to investor-state dispute settlement. Part III looks at the discussion as to whether there should be specific text on tobacco control in the TPP, and, if so, what should be its nature and content. This chapter concludes that the plain packaging of tobacco products – and other best practices in tobacco control – should be adopted by members of the Pacific Rim.

Our future is at risk: Disclose the Trans-Pacific Partnership now

Christmas has come early this year for big corporations. Wikileaks has revealed that the Trans-Pacific Partnership contains a swag of corporate gifts and baubles. The leaked intellectual property chapter of the TPP looks like it has been dictated by the United States Chamber of Commerce. Among other things, the agreement seeks to provide for longer and stronger copyright protection for transnational corporations. - See more at: https://newmatilda.com/2013/11/15/our-future-risk-disclose-tpp-now#sthash.axbmON9X.dpuf

Blue future: Maude Barlow, water rights, investor clauses, and trade deals

Maude Barlow is the chairperson of the Council of Canadians, and the founder of the Blue Planet Project. She is a recipient of Sweden’s Right Livelihood Award, and a Lannan Cultural Freedom Fellowship. As well as being a noted human rights and trade activist, Barlow is the author of a number of books on water rights — including Blue Gold, Blue Covenant, and Blue Future. She has been particularly vocal on the impact of trade and investment agreements upon water rights. Barlow has been critical of the push to include investor-state dispute settlement clauses in trade agreements — such as the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between Canada and the European Union, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP). She has also been concerned by the Trade in Services Agreement (TISA) leaked by WikiLeaks.

Creative destruction: The Trans-Pacific Partnership, jobs, and labor rights

In the United States, there has been a fierce debate over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and its impact upon jobs, employment, and labor rights and standards. This sweeping trade agreement spans the Pacific Rim, and includes such countries as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Mexico, Peru, Chile, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, Brunei, and Japan. There has been concern over the secrecy surrounding the Trans-Pacific Partnership — particularly in respect of labor rights.

Just label it: Consumer rights, GM food labelling, and international trade

In the United States, there has been fierce debate over state, federal and international efforts to engage in genetically modified food labelling (GM food labelling). A grassroots coalition of consumers, environmentalists, organic farmers, and the food movement has pushed for law reform in respect of GM food labelling. The Just Label It campaign has encouraged United States consumers to send comments to the United States Food and Drug Administration to label genetically modified foods. This Chapter explores the various justifications made in respect of genetically modified food labelling. There has been a considerable effort to portray the issue of GM food labelling as one of consumer rights as part of ‘the right to know’. There has been a significant battle amongst farmers over GM food labelling – with organic farmers and biotechnology companies, fighting for precedence. There has also been a significant discussion about the use of GM food labelling as a form of environmental legislation. The prescriptions in GM food labelling regulations may serve to promote eco-labelling, and deter greenwashing. There has been a significant debate over whether GM food labelling may serve to regulate corporations – particularly from the food, agriculture, and biotechnology industries. There are significant issues about the interaction between intellectual property laws – particularly in respect of trade mark law and consumer protection – and regulatory proposals focused upon biotechnology. There has been a lack of international harmonization in respect of GM food labelling. As such, there has been a major use of comparative arguments about regulator models in respect of food labelling. There has also been a discussion about international law, particularly with the emergence of sweeping regional trade proposals, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. This Chapter considers the United States debates over genetically modified food labelling – at state, federal, and international levels. The battles often involved the use of citizen-initiated referenda. The policy conflicts have been policy-centric disputes – pitting organic farmers, consumers, and environmentalists against the food industry and biotechnology industry. Such battles have raised questions about consumer rights, public health, freedom of speech, and corporate rights. The disputes highlighted larger issues about lobbying, fund-raising, and political influence. The role of money in United States has been a prominent concern of Lawrence Lessig in his recent academic and policy work with the group, Rootstrikers. Part 1 considers the debate in California over Proposition 37. Part 2 explores other key state initiatives in respect of GM food labelling. Part 3 examines the Federal debate in the United States over GM food labelling. Part 4 explores whether regional trade agreements – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – will impact upon

Pacific Rim treaty threatens public health: Patent law and medical procedures

Doctors, surgeons, and physicians around the Pacific Rim should be concerned by the proposals revealed by WikiLeaks in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). One of the most controversial features of the TPP is the proposal to provide for patent protection in respect of medical procedures. As Public Citizen observed, ‘Health providers, including surgeons, could be liable for the methods they use to treat patients.’ The civil society group noted: ‘Essentially, except for when a surgeon uses her bare hands, surgical methods would be patentable under the U.S. proposal.’ The TPP takes a broad approach to patents and medicine; lacks appropriate safeguards; and fails to address larger questions about equity, development, and human rights. Such a measure could result in greater litigation against medical professionals; barriers to access to medical procedures for patients; and skyrocketing health costs.

Trade war in the Pacific: ASEAN and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Australian politicians are keen to project our participation in two major international trade talks - the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) - as unproblematic.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership, the environment, and climate change

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a sweeping, plurilateral free-trade agreement spanning the Pacific Rim.The ongoing, secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement, Canada, Mexico and the United States. There has also been some discussion as to whether Japan should be included in the negotiations.

No logo: Brand bullies, trade mark law, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

The Trans-Pacific Partnership is a sweeping trade agreement, spanning the Pacific Rim, and covering an array of topics, including intellectual property. There has been much analysis of the recently leaked intellectual property chapter of the Trans-Pacific Partnership by WikiLeaks. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks’ Editor-in-Chief, observed “The selective secrecy surrounding the TPP negotiations, which has let in a few cashed-up megacorps but excluded everyone else, reveals a telling fear of public scrutiny. By publishing this text we allow the public to engage in issues that will have such a fundamental impact on their lives.” Critical attention has focused upon the lack of transparency surrounding the agreement, copyright law and the digital economy; patent law, pharmaceutical drugs, and data protection; and the criminal procedures and penalties for trade secrets. The topic of trade mark law and related rights, such as internet domain names and geographical indications, deserves greater analysis.

A Supplementary Submission on The Commonwealth's Treaty-Making Process

This supplementary submission highlights two new developments, which have arisen since the initial submission. First, it considers the publication of the draft Investment Chapter of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) by WikiLeaks. Second, it looks at the introduction of the fast-track trade promotion authority bill, the Bipartisan Congressional Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015, into the United States Congress. The two topics have been inter-linked to a certain extent.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership: Copyright Law, the Creative Industries, and Internet Freedom

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a highly secretive trade agreement being negotiated between the US and eleven Pacific Rim countries, including Australia. Having obtained a fast-track authority from the United States Congress, US President Barack Obama is keen to finalise the deal. However, he was unable to achieve a resolution of the deal at recent talks in Hawaii on the TPP. A number of chapters of the TPP will affect the creative artists, cultural industries and internet freedom — including the intellectual property chapter, the investment chapter, and the electronic commerce chapter. Legacy copyright industries have pushed for longer and stronger copyright protection throughout the Pacific Rim. In the wake of the Hawaii talks, Knowledge Ecology International leaked the latest version of the intellectual property chapter of the TPP. Jamie Love of Knowledge Ecology International commented upon the leaked text about copyright law: ‘In many sections of the text, the TPP would change global norms, restrict access to knowledge, create significant financial risks for persons using and sharing information, and, in some cases, impose new costs on persons producing new knowledge goods.’ The recent leaked text reveals a philosophical debate about the nature of intellectual property law. There are mixed messages in respect of the treatment of the public domain under copyright law. In one part of the agreement on internet service providers, there is text that says that the parties recognise the need for ‘promoting innovation and creativity,’ ‘facilitating the diffusion of information, knowledge, technology, culture, and the arts’, and ‘foster competition and open and efficient markets.’ A number of countries suggested ‘acknowledging the importance of the public domain.’ The United States and Japan opposed the recognition of the public domain in this text.