958 resultados para State-society relations


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Since the formation of Afghanistan, its nature as a Pashtun state has affected all its international relations. On the other hand, the fact that it was originally established as a buffer state between Britain and Russia still governs its national integration. In this article I examine Afghanistan's relations with its neighbors through an investigation of its history and the present conditions of its borders with its southern, western and northern neighbors. My aim is to obtain an overall perspective of Afghanistan's relations with its neighbors, historically decisive elements, and the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks.

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Key findings: The paper investigates the impact that the legislative changes of 2006 had on civil society in Russia. This legislation has change the regulatory environment in which civil society actors such as Third Sector Organisations operate. Using the past development of civil society organisations as well as insights about how the institutional environment influences this article illustrates: - the undemocratic nature and motivation of the law and how it exploits the structural weaknesses of civil society - how Third Sector Organisations rationalise and translate the legislative changes into their organisational realities and how this changed or did not change their behaviour - the shift in state-civil society relations away from liberal co-existence into more hierarchical arrangements were Third Sector Organisations are subordinated to the state. These trends have far reaching implications for civil society. The empirical evidence shows that state now manages civil society to meet its own political ends. It also shows that organisations in the field welcome the more engage and directive nature of the Russian state. Why is this important? What does it mean for business or other users? Are there policy implications? The research is important as it shows how Third Sector Organisations have reacted to the legislative changes. Further it provides a basis for interpretation of the potential future development of civil society. Additional it highlights how the continuous process of democratisation in transition economies sometimes might come unstuck. In particular donor agencies will need to consider these trends when disturbing funding to Third Sector Organisations.

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Mode I steady-state crack growth is analyzed under plane strain conditions in small scale yielding. The elastic-plastic solid is characterized by the mechanism-based strain gradient (MSG) plasticity theory [J. Mech. Phys. Solids 47 (1999) 1239, J. Mech. Phys. Solids 48 (2000) 99]. The distributions of the normal separation stress and the effective stress along the plane ahead of the crack tip are computed using a special finite element method based on the steady-state fundamental relations and the MSG flow theory. The results show that during the steady-state crack growth, the normal separation stress on the plane ahead of the crack tip can achieve considerably high value within the MSG strain gradient sensitive zone. The results also show that the crack tip fields are insensitive to the cell size parameter in the MSG theory. Moreover, in the present research, the steady-state fracture toughness is computed by adopting the embedded process zone (EPZ) model. The results display that the steady-state fracture toughness strongly depends on the separation strength parameter of the EPZ model and the length scale parameter in the MSG theory. Furthermore, in order for the results of steady crack growth to be comparable, an approximate relation between the length scale parameters in the MSG theory and in the Fleck-Hutchinson strain gradient plasticity theory is obtained.

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This paper outlines what we have learned about the impacts of the Deepwater Horizon (DWH) oil disaster from the economics discipline as well as what effect the DWH disaster has had on the economics discipline. It appears that what we know about the economic impact of the DWH spill today is limited, possibly because such analysis is tied up in the federal Natural Resource Damage Assessment (NRDA) process and other state-led efforts. There is evidence, however, that the NRDA process has changed over time to de-emphasize economic valuation of damages. There is also evidence that economists may be producing fewer outputs as a result of the DWH relative to scholars from other disciplines because of an apparent absence of funding for it. Of the research that has taken place, this paper provides a summary and highlights the main directions of future research. It appears that the most pressing topic is addressing the incentives and policies in place to promote a culture of safety in the offshore oil industry. Also, it appears that the most prominent, and challenging, direction of future research resulting from the DWH is the expansion of an ecosystems services approach to damage assessment and marine policy. Lea el abstracto en español 请点击此处阅读中文摘要

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Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales.

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This thesis entitled “Development planning at the state level in india a case study with reference to kerala1957-84.Planning in India is a concurrent subject with the Centre and the States having well-defined domains of jurisdiction with regard to planning functions and sources of resource mobilisation.The genesis of the lack of academic interest in state level planning is in the widely held belief that in the extent scheme of Centre-State economic relations, the states have little scope for initiative in planning.Both at the theoretical and empirical levels, Kerala has attached very great importance to planning.It has been the localeof wide and deep discussions on the various dimensions of planning.In Kerala's development process, the leading sector consists of social services such as education and public healthOne point that needs special emphasis in this regard is that the high demand for education in Kerala cannot be attributed to the Keralites' ‘unique urge‘ for education. Rather, it is related to the very high level of unemployment in the state (Kerala has the highest level of unemployment in the country.In resource allocation under the Five Year Plans, Kerala attached the highest weightage to power generation, hydro-electric projects being the major source of power in the state. Nearly one-fourth of the plan resources has been claimed by hydro-electric projects.In the agricultural sector, Kera1a's level of productive use of electric power is one of the lowest.As is evident.from above, planning in Kerala has not enabled us to solve the basic problems of the state. More 'scientific' planning in the sense of applying mre sophisticated planning techniques is obviously not the answer. It, on the contrary, consists of more fundamental changes some of which can be brought about through an effective use of measures well within the power of the State Government.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el fenómeno de la participación de las ONG en el marco de la Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) y las implicaciones del mismo en las dinámicas de la gobernanza global. Se explican los conceptos principales para el análisis y posteriormente se hace una revisión de los antecedentes que permitieron el desarrollo de dicho fenómeno dentro de la organización y fuera de ella. Luego se centra el análisis en la incidencia de las ONG en la ONU y para la gobernanza global; se concluye con una reflexión sobre lo que puede esperarse de esta incidencia para el futuro de la organización.

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O artigo discute a conceção de natureza humana presente na obra de Hans Morgenthau (1904-1980) a partir de seu clássico. A Política entre as Nações: a luta pelo poder e pela Paz, debatendo o seu papel para o conjunto de sua teoria. Aqui se discutem as diferenças entre esta conceção de Morgenthau e a de Thomas Hobbes, na qual se inspira, e as consequências disso para a relação entre Estado, sociedade e entre os próprios Estados na esfera internacional. Discute também a ligação dessa ontologia para o campo das relações internacionais, ligando ao debate da impossibilidade do Estado Mundial e sobre o fenómeno do equilíbrio de poder, na esferadoméstica e no cenário internacional.

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This article examines contemporary Korean capitalism via an analysis of state-chaebol relations in the post-crisis period. The Korean state played a prominent role in industrial and financial restructuring after the crisis. Some scholars argue that a 'new' state has emerged in Korea, with the activism during the financial crisis representing only a temporary diversion from the shift towards a 'competition state'. Others claim that the Korean state still seeks to directly shape economic outcomes: some policy instruments have changed, but strategic intent, defined here as the will to directly manage investment flows and shape economic structures, has not. The transition of Korean capitalism from the developmental state system towards neo-liberalism, this article argues, is far from complete. Emphasizing the situated choices of state elites and the challenging political context in which they find themselves, we presume a condition of mutual dependence between the state and chaebols. Given incidences of conflict in the post-crisis context, we argue that the state has not fully reasserted its will over the chaebols. The restructuring of chaebols ('Big Deals') are best understood as symbolic measures intended to garner external support for the Korean state rather than unfettered exercise of strategic intent. At the same time, we go beyond existing accounts of 'state decline' by highlighting the place of economic performance by the chaebols as the preeminent criteria for state support. The state and chaebols remain central to Korean capitalism, even in its current hybrid and somewhat dysfunctional form.

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This article explores the tensions inherent in how Kyrgyzstan's nationhood and statehood have been imagined and practised via an analysis of local reactions to the findings of the Kyrgyzstan Inquiry Commission's (KIC) investigation into the 2010 Osh violence and in particular the threat narrative that developed in opposition to the investigation. In the wake of the clashes that erupted in Osh in June 2010, a recurrent theme was calls from the international community for an independent investigation. Within Kyrgyzstan, however, some politicians argued that investigations violated the republic's sovereignty. Despite local reluctance, a number of investigations did subsequently take place. Yet the reports of the respective investigations did little to quell controversy, with the KIC report being strongly criticized and declared a threat to national security. The strength of feeling demonstrated by this reaction was indicative of long-standing and unresolved tensions in Kyrgyzstan between international and local imaginings of nationhood and statehood. The article concludes by arguing that nationhood and statehood need to be reimagined to focus on re-establishing state–society relations by both local and international actors in order for Kyrgyzstan to begin repairing the already fragile sociopolitical relationships that were grievously damaged by the violence and the subsequent investigations.

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Analysis of the influences exerted by the Brazilian institutional scenario on SESC ¿ The Social Service of Commerce, focusing state-market-society relations in the 1990 decade, states the core issue of the present dissertation. It also aims to discuss the suitability of adopting corporate social responsibility oriented actions in accordance with these changes. In the first place SESC's institutional setting, and questions addressed to it, as well as pressures to which the organization has been submitted since the mid 1980's are presented to the reader. Following, elements of particular significance closely related to SESC's present institutional framework are described: the country's political redemocratization, social and organizational networks, state reform, and the like.

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A presente dissertação discute o devir das Organizações NãoGovernamentais no Brasil à luz de nossa matriz sócio-política bem como da própria crise civilizatória hodierna. Considerando os desafios inerentes à complexa relação Estado/Sociedade no Brasil, quer pela fragilidade tanto do atual quadro políticoinstitucional quanto da capacidade de organização e democratização da sociedade civil, bem como os imperativos político-econômicos da "nova ordem internacional", buscamos elaborar alguns cenários em que as ONG, para lograrem seus objetivos sociais e políticos, deverão passar por profundas transformações organizacionais e institucionais. À luz das contradições de um modelo de desenvolvimento, política e socialmente excludente, reiteradamente agravadas pelo avanço do neoliberalismo e pela fragmentação de uma modalidade de democracia minimalista, pensamos caber às ONG um papel significativo na mobilização e democratização da sociedade civil brasileira rumo à reconstrução de uma matriz sócio-política capaz de resgatar o povo à nacionalidade, à soberania e à justiça sócio-econômica.

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The history of independent Brazil may be divided into three major state–society cycles, and, after 1930, five political pacts or class coalitions can be identified. These pacts were nationalist; only in the 1990s did the Brazilian elites surrender to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid-2000s they have been rediscovering the idea of the nation. The main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and Brazilian society are “national–dependent”, that is, they are ambivalent and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. They are dependent because they often see themselves as “European” and the mass of the people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough, and there are enough common interests around its domestic market, to make the Brazilian nation less ambivalent. Today Brazil is seeking a synthesis between the last two political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

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Pós-graduação em Educação para a Ciência - FC

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Este texto procura contribuir para a discussão sobre as relações entre Estado, Sociedade e a Questão Ambiental, buscando situá-la em função das especificidades regionais da formação econômica e social brasileira, com destaque para a nova territorialidade da paisagem construída no Estado de São Paulo.