A Framework for Various Approaches under the UNFCCC: Necessity or luxury? CEPS Special Report No. 70, 20 November 2012

In recognition that the world is moving towards a new climate change regime that in many ways will be very different from the world in which the Kyoto Protocol has been operating, climate negotiators and other specialists have begun to focus their attention on developing a “framework for variable approaches” (FVA). It is hoped that this new framework will prove more adaptable to national circumstances and more capable of catalysing new ideas, at the regional, national or sub-national level. This paper examines the assumptions, objectives, scope, components and functions of an FVA, with a view to creating the right conditions in which a well-functioning global carbon market can emerge.

Spectral gap for Glauber type dynamics for a special class of potentials

We consider an equilibrium birth and death type process for a particle system in infinite volume, the latter is described by the space of all locally finite point configurations on Rd. These Glauber type dynamics are Markov processes constructed for pre-given reversible measures. A representation for the ``carré du champ'' and ``second carré du champ'' for the associate infinitesimal generators L are calculated in infinite volume and for a large class of functions in a generalized sense. The corresponding coercivity identity is derived and explicit sufficient conditions for the appearance and bounds for the size of the spectral gap of L are given. These techniques are applied to Glauber dynamics associated to Gibbs measure and conditions are derived extending all previous known results and, in particular, potentials with negative parts can now be treated. The high temperature regime is extended essentially and potentials with non-trivial negative part can be included. Furthermore, a special class of potentials is defined for which the size of the spectral gap is as least as large as for the free system and, surprisingly, the spectral gap is independent of the activity. This type of potentials should not show any phase transition for a given temperature at any activity.

Regras monetárias e taxa de câmbio para o regime de meta de inflação brasileiro

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o uso de regras ótimas irrestritas e de regras simples restritas de política monetária para a economia brasileira, com especial atenção ao impacto da taxa de câmbio na transmissão da política monetária. As regras foram encontradas através de um processo de programação dinâmica e comparadas em termos da eficiência econômica de cada uma, medida pela redução da variância do produto e da inflação. Estes resultados serviram de referência para avaliar o desempenho do regime de metas de inflação no Brasil, desde a sua implementação em julho de 1999.

O regime diferenciado de contratações públicas à luz das Adins 4645 E 4655 – Análise Crítica

O presente trabalho visa discutir as mudanças trazidas na Lei 12.462/11, que institui o Regime Diferenciado de Contratações Públicas, popularmente conhecido como RDC, no cenário das licitações públicas voltadas para infraestrutura da Copa do Mundo e dos Jogos Olímpicos. Apresenta a lei geral de licitações, Lei 8666/93, apontando sua importância, bem como a reação negativa da doutrina a algumas de suas disposições, ao longo de quase 20 anos de vigência. Insere neste contexto a Lei 12.462/11 e seu modo de elaboração. Tendo como pano de fundo as Adins 4645 e 4655 ajuizadas no Supremo Tribunal Federal, esta obra analisa as supostas inconstitucionalidades formais e materiais do RDC, procurando revelar que a Lei 12.462/11 pode ser utilizada pela Administração Pública como importante ferramenta de alcance do melhor interesse público à luz do princípio da eficiência.

A prática do professor de matemática em classes de recuperação de ciclo II no regime de progressão continuada do estado de São Paulo

Pós-graduação em Educação Matemática - IGCE

Recoupled separated-local-field experiments and applications to study intermediate-regime molecular motions

A specific separated-local-field NMR experiment, dubbed Dipolar-Chemical-Shift Correlation (DIPSHIFT) is frequently used to study molecular motions by probing reorientations through the changes in XH dipolar coupling and T-2. In systems where the coupling is weak or the reorientation angle is small, a recoupled variant of the DIPSHIFT experiment is applied, where the effective dipolar coupling is amplified by a REDOR-like pi-pulse train. However, a previously described constant-time variant of this experiment is not sensitive to the motion-induced T-2 effect, which precludes the observation of motions over a large range of rates ranging from hundreds of Hz to around a MHz. We present a DIPSHIFT implementation which amplifies the dipolar couplings and is still sensitive to T-2 effects. Spin dynamics simulations, analytical calculations and experiments demonstrate the sensitivity of the technique to molecular motions, and suggest the best experimental conditions to avoid imperfections. Furthermore, an in-depth theoretical analysis of the interplay of REDOR-like recoupling and proton decoupling based on Average-Hamiltonian Theory was performed, which allowed explaining the origin of many artifacts found in literature data. (C) 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Economic Partnership Agreements in the EU's post-Lome trade regime: negotiations with West Africa. ZEI Discussion Paper C214, 2012

Trade is a key element of the development policy of the European Union (EU). As the most important trading partner of developing countries, the EU attempts to facilitate the participation of developing countries in global trade and contribute to economic growth through providing market access and financial assistance. For twenty-five years, the commitment of the EU was largely focused on its former colonies, more specifically in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The developing world, in terms of the EU’s trade policy, was therefore divided between ACP states with special provisions under the Lomé Conventions and all other developing countries. With the new millennium, this special relationship came to an end. Pressure from several member states1 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) led to an overhaul of the EU’s trade regime vis-à-vis developing countries and to the loss of the privileged position of ACP countries. The result of this overhaul is still pending. Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – to be negotiated between the EU and several ACP regions – have only been realized in the Caribbean. This article will to examine the negotiations between the EU and West Africa and discuss the interests involved on the African side. Following the introduction, the second part of this article is dedicated to the Lomé Conventions with a focus on the change occurring from the third to the fourth revision in order to understand the current situation. The third part is going to take a look at the Cotonou agreement and the trade regime of the EU in general before turning to the negotiations for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and West Africa. The conclusion summarizes the main findings.

The EU and Syria – Time to Play behind Closed Doors. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Special Issue, September 13, 2013

From the Introduction. Since the – presumed – utilization of chemical weapons against civilians by the Assad regime late August, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community have been building the case for a military intervention, a punishing mission against Bashar al-Assad. Despite evidences that sarin gas was used, the UK and Germany seem to be out of the race – for a similar reason: domestic politics –, leaving the US and France in the starting blocks. French President Hollande has expressed his commitment to go to war. The world is now on hold waiting for the US as President Obama, after asking US Congress to postpone a vote on a military intervention, is working on a possible diplomatic solution with Russian President Putin. Since Kerry’s comments in London earlier this week, Russian President Putin has been seeking for a diplomatic solution that would put all Syrian chemical arsenals under international supervision.

Greater TTIP Ambition in Chemicals: Why and how. CEPS Special Report, 28 July 2015. Paper No. 10 in the CEPS-CTR project ‘TTIP in the Balance’ and CEPS Special Report No. 114/July 2015.

To date, the negotiations over chemicals in the Translatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) have not shown sufficient ambition. The talks have focused too much on the differences in the two ‘systems’, rather than on the actual levels of health and environmental protection for substances regulated by both the US and the EU. Given the accomplishments within the OECD and the UN Globally Harmonised System of Classification and Labelling of Chemicals (GHS), the question is whether TTIP can be any more ambitious in the area of chemicals? We find that there is no detailed or systematic knowledge about how the two levels of protection in chemicals compare, although caricatures and stereotypes abound. This is partly due to an obsessive focus on a single US federal law, the Toxic Subtances Control Act (TSCA), whereas in practice US protection depends on many statutes and regulations, as well as on voluntary withdrawals (under pressure from the Environmental Protection Agency) and severe common law liability. This paper makes the economic case for firmly addressing the regulatory barriers, discusses the EU’s proposals, finds that the European Parliament’s Resolution on TTIP of July 2015 lacks a rationale (for chemicals), argues that both TSCA and REACH ought to be improved (based on ‘better regulation’), discusses the link with a global regime, advocates significant improvement of market access where equivalence of health and environmental objectives is agreed and, finally, proposes to lower the costs for companies selling in both markets by allowing them to opt into the other party’s more stringent rules, thereby avoiding duplication while racing-to-the-top. The ‘living agreement’ on chemicals ought to be led by a new TTIP institution authorised to establish the level of health and environmental protection on both sides of the Atlantic for substances regulated on both sides. These findings will lay the foundation for a highly beneficial lowering of trading costs without in any way affecting the level of protection. Indeed, this is exactly what TTIP is, or should be, all about.This paper is the 10th in a series produced in the context of the “TTIP in the Balance” project, jointly organised by CEPS and the Center for Transatlantic Relations (CTR) in Washington, D.C. It is published simultaneously on the CEPS (www.ceps.eu) and CTR websites (http://transatlantic.sais-jhu.edu).

Work-life Balance and Gender Regime After the Economic Transition

Work-life balance (WLB) is a key issue in our societies in which there is increasing pressure to be permanently available on demand and to work more intensively, and when due to technological change the borders between work and private life appear to be dissolving. However, the social, institutional and normative frames of a region have a huge impact on how people experience work and private life, where the borders between these spheres lie and how much control individuals have in managing these borders. Based on these arguments, this editorial to the special issue Work-life balance/imbalance: individual, organisational and social experiences in Intersections. EEJSP draws attention to the social institutions, frameworks and norms which have an effect on experience, practices and expectations about work-life balance. Concerning the time horizon, this editorial focuses on the change of regime as a reference point since socialist and post-socialist eras differ significantly, although there is still some continuity between them. The authors of this introduction offer an overview of the situation in CEE (Central and Eastern Europe) based mainly on examples of Visegrad countries.

Serviço de Apoio à Inclusão em eLearning (SAIeL) : educação para todos : contributo para a inclusão de cidadãos com necessidades educativas especiais no ensino superior a distância em regime de elearning

A proposta de um Serviço de Apoio à Inclusão em eLearning (SAIeL) surge da necessidade de promover o eLearning como uma ferramenta importante para que os cidadãos com Necessidades Educativas Especiais possam aceder e ter sucesso no Ensino Superior. O trabalho desenvolveu-se em torno da seguinte pergunta de partida: Cumprindo o seu papel social de Educação para Todos, de que forma podem as instituições de ensino superior facilitar ativamente o acesso e o sucesso de cidadãos com Necessidades Educativas Especiais que desejem estudar em regime de eLearning? Constituindo o ensino a distância de nova geração, uma opção com características bastante vantajosas para os cidadãos com Necessidades Educativas Especiais, pretende-se também atrair mais cidadãos para esta modalidade de educação, através da oferta e divulgação de condições mais apelativas e que encorajem as pessoas com Necessidades Educativas Especiais a prosseguir os seus estudos ao nível superior, reduzindo as barreiras e promovendo os fatores de inclusão. Procurou-se delinear um projeto de serviço que possa responder às necessidades identificadas a partir de um conjunto de fatores: i) da investigação sobre a resposta a esta problemática por parte dum conjunto de universidades de Ensino a Distância, ii) das boas práticas já existentes em instituições de ensino superior portuguesas e iii) do estudo das perceções recolhidas junto dos vários intervenientes: estudantes, professores e cidadãos com NEE. Neste quadro, foram definidas 3 fases para a elaboração do trabalho: (1) auscultação dos intervenientes e levantamento de necessidades; (2) enquadramento do projeto de serviço na orgânica das instituições de ensino superior a distância e (3) organização e estruturação de um projeto de serviço através da elaboração de um Regimento, no qual são estipulados os seus objetivos, valências, competências e forma de avaliação, de maneira a dar resposta às necessidades identificadas previamente e a prevenir situações futuras.

State-narco networks and the ‘War on Drugs’ in post-transition Bolivia, with special reference to 1989-1993

This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.