As crónicas jornalísticas de Horácio Bento de Gouveia e afirmação da identidade madeirense

Dissertação de Mestrado, Ciências da Comunicação, 3 de Junho de 2015, Universidade dos Açores.

Twin Peaks como alegoria daimónica cinematográfica

For a long time the allegorical activity was considered dogmatic and equated with artistic fossilization, archaic religious propensity and lack of creativity. However, Walter Benjamin (1928) and Paul De Man (1969), among other illustrious thinkers, came to its defense, exalting, instead, its cryptic, hybrid and abstract nature, which, incidentally, are the main characteristics of modern art. “Twin Peaks – Fire Walk with Me” (David Lynch, 1992) is a wonderful object of analysis, despite being one of the most misunderstood films in the history of cinema. The fact that its narrative is a prequel to the cult television series “Twin Peaks” and incorporates many of the characters of that show, explicitly denigrating the moral image of the protagonist, Laura Palmer, brought about an intense rejection by the fans of the series, as well as the indifference of the cinephilic community in general. However, one must go deeper, in order to understand Lynch’s brave accomplishment and its artfulness. Indeed, the opus is a powerful cinematic allegory because it contains a double layer of metaphorical meaning, one of them being explicitly metacinematic. Thus, besides assuming itself as a filmic daimonic allegory, occurring in a spiritual universe of Good versus Evil, the film is also an authorial discourse on cinema itself. More specifically, it is an allegory of spectatorship, according to Robert Stam’s definition, where the existence and crossing over to “another side” duplicates the architecture of movie theatres and the psychic processes involved in film viewing.

Cheirogaster sp. (O. Testudines, Fam. Testudinidae, Geochelone sl.) du Paléogène de Naia, Tondela et l’âge du gisement

A land tortoise from a new locality at Naia, Tondela, is described. It is to be reported either to an advanced form of the genus Hadrianus or to an archaic representative of Cheirogaster; it may be included in the comprehensive genus Geochelone s.l., excluding however Ergilemys and its descendants. There is a strong possibility in favour of Cheirogaster. Testudo must also be excluded. It is not possible to classify this specimen at species'level. Our specimen does agree best with Upper Eocene Testudinidae and with some Lower Oligocene ones. Its age is certainly not Upper Oligocene or later, nor Lower and Middle Eocene. This datation is not opposed to the age of the fossiliferous clays of Naia as supposed by correlation with another locality - Côja, about 30 km to the South - which yielded an assemblage of mammals whose Ludian (Upper Bartonian s.l.) age seems well established. Naia and Côja's fossil-bearing clays must be nearly synchronous; their origin is well in place among the phenomena related to the surrection of iberian Central Chain during paroxysmal phase of pyrenean orogenesis.

Castor fiber na gruta do Caldeirão. Existência, distribuição e extinção do castor em Portugal

Beaver only had been found in Portugal in a Chalcolithic locality, the Vila Nova de S. Pedro castrum. It has now been identified in the Upper Paleolithic (Solutrean) from Gruta do Caldeirão, near Tomar. The species has been found recently at «Gruta do Almonda»; 4 teeth were collected in bed C, older than a Solutrean sequence (see Anexo for details). The species seems to have been rare, as it was also the case with portuguese Miocene Castoridae Enroxenomys minutus and Chalicomys jaegeri. If account is taken of the presence in the Middle Ages until Castille of words meaning beaver (relared to the popular latin Fiber/Biber), it is obvious that these animais still existed then. Such nouns were largely predominant over rhe rather erudite latin (greek deríved) words as Castor,-óris and derived ones, as it could be expected. This allowed us to recognize that veiro should be the corresponding word with Fiber affinities in archaic portuguese. It was previously supposed to mean only expensive furs then imported into Portugal. Indeed it was also a zoonym. Anywày, beaver should be scarce by XIIIth century since it is not included in the quite detailed price list imposed by the «Lei da Almotaçaria» from December 26, 1253 (see Quadro II). Toponyms in veiro and derived words (fig. 2; Quadro III) (plural, feminines, diminutives, inhabited places) give a resrrictive view of rhe Middle Age distribution. Some of them are certainly older than Portugal itself (firsr half of XIlth cenrury); others existed by the XIVth century bur were probably older. Some rare toponyms seem to be derived from the erudite latin Castor,-óris. Nothing suggests that these words were still in use as zoonyms during the Middle Ages. All toponyms are located in regions near rivers and other freshwaters ecologically suitable for beavers, so we can approximately retrace its former, Middle Age disrribution in Portugal (fig. 2; Quadro III). Most of them are locared in the Center-West and Northwest of Portugal, with a suitable c1imate (rainfall in general over 800 mílimerers per year); the only sure geographical exception is Veiros, in Alto Alentejo province, in a region with comparable precipitations and less dry climate conditions than mosr of the territories South of rhe Tagus. There are less and less of these toponyms towards rhe South and the inner part of the country, and they are enrirely lacking in all drier regions from Trás-os-Montes, Beira, Alentejo beyond Tagus' basin, and in Algarve. Nothing suggests beavers lived there, No post-medieval toponym is known, nor any reference after middle XVth century. No such locality was at, or close by to, any frontier. Hence the hypothesis of veiro (et al.} as meaning but points where expensive furs (supposedly known as veiros in general but without c1early saying from what animal they were obrained from) is to be discarded. During the Middle Ages, beaver discriburion concerned all the main river basins from Minho to Tagus ones. Quite rarefied in rhe XIIIth, the beavers may have disappeared from Portugal during the XVth century. Ecological requiremenrs restricted their former distriburion. Vulnerability to natural causes (i.e., severe drought) and to human pressure may have accounted heavily for this species' extinction. Last (1446) reference for Portugal known to us suggests the species was by then almost extinct.

Castor fiber na gruta do Caldeirão Existência, distribuição e extinção do castor em Portugal

Beaver only had been found in Portugal in a Chalcolithic locality, the Vila Nova de S. Pedro castrum. It has now been idenrified in the Upper Paleolithic (Solurrean) from Gruta do Caldeirão, near Tomar. The species has been found recently at «Gruta do Almonda»; 4 teeth were collected in bed C, older than a Solutrean sequence (see Anexo for details). The species seems to have been rare, as it was also the case with portuguese miocene Castoridae Enroxenomys minutus and Chalicomys jaegeri. If account is taken of the presence in the Middle Ages until Castille of words meaning beaver (related to the popular latin Fiber/Biber), it is obvious that these animals still existed then. Such nouns were largely predominant over the rather erudite larin (greek derived) words as Castor, -óris and derived ones, as it could be expected. This allowed us to recognize that veiro should be the corresponding word with Fiber affinities in archaic portuguese. It was previously supposed to mean only expensive furs then imported into Portugal. Indeed it was also a zoonym. Anyway, beaver should be scarce by XIIIth century since it is not included in the quite detailed price list imposed by the «Lei da Almotaçaria» from December 26, 1253 (see Quadro II). Toponyms in veiro and derived words (fig. 2; Quadro III) (plural, feminines, diminutives, inhabited places) give a restrictive view of the Middle Age distribution. Some of them are certainly older than Portugal itself (first half of XIIth century); others existed by the XIVth century but were probably older. Some rare toponyms seem to be derived from rhe erudite latin Castor, -óris. Nothing suggests that these words were still in use as zoonyms during the Middle Ages. All toponyms are located in regions near rivers and other freshwaters ecologically suitable for beavers, so wecan approximately retrace irs former, Middle Age distribution in Portugal (fig. 2; Quadro III). Most of them are located in the Center-West and Northwest of Portugal, with a suitable c1imate (rainfall in general over 800 milimeters per year); the only sure geographical exception is Veiros, in Alto Alentejo province, in a region with comparable precipitations and less dry climare conditions than most of the territories South of the Tagus. There are less and less of these toponyms towards the South and the inner part of the country, and they are enrirely lacking in ali drier regions from Trás-os-Montes, Beira, Alentejo beyond Tagus' basin, and in Algarve. Nothing suggests beavers lived there, No pose-medieval toponym is known, nor any reference after middle XVth century. No such locality was at, or close by to, any frontier. Hence the hypothesis of veiro (e: al.) as meaning but points where expensive furs(supposedly known as veiros in general but without clearly saying from what animal they were obtained from) is to be discarded. During the Middle Ages, beaver distribution concerned all the main river basins from Minho to Tagus ones. Quice racefied in the XIIIth, the beavers may have disappeared from Portugal during the XVth century. Ecological requirements restricted their former distribution. Vulnerability to natural causes (i.e., severe drought) and to human pressure may have accounted heavily for this species extinction. Last (1446) reference for Portugal known to us suggests the species was by then almost extinct.

A case of megacolon in Rio Grande Valley as a possible case of Chagas disease

We have been searching for evidence of Chagas disease in mummified human remains. Specifically, we have looked for evidence of alteration of intestinal or fecal morphology consistent with megacolon, a condition associated with Chagas disease. One prehistoric individual recovered from the Chihuahuan Desert near the Rio Grande exhibits such pathology. We present documentation of this case. We are certain that this individual presents a profoundly altered large intestinal tract and we suggest that further research should focus on confirmation of a diagnosis of Chagas disease. We propose that the prehistoric activity and dietary patterns in Chihuahua Desert hunter/gatherers promoted the pathoecology of Chagas disease.

Gauging differential health among the sexes at Windover (8Br246) using the Western Hemisphere Health Index

Assessment of intrapopulation human health provides information concerning social structure, division of labor, and lifestyle. Differential health among the sexes can provide clues to social roles, resource acquisition and status within prehistoric populations. Windover (8Br246) is an Archaic mortuary pond located in eastern central Florida. Its occupation spans over 500 years and dates to 7000 years BP. Over 168 well-preserved individuals were excavated, providing a glimpse into life during Florida's Archaic. Through the application of the Western Hemisphere Health Index, we find that males within the group experienced better overall health than females. Males outscore females in quality of life, percent of maximum scores, stature, anemia, dental disease, and infection. Females out-score males in enamel hypoplasia and degenerative joint disease. Causative factors for observed differential health are examined and include activity levels, sexual division of labor, access to resources, and the physiological demands of childbearing.

The Quest for the Oracle Birds: Researching the Chinese Community in Colonial Mexico (1565-1700)

The Asian Diaspora in the Americas in the 16th and 17th has been neglected by scholars for a long time. This fact is baffling, not only for the great interest of this topic in of itself, but also because it could provide new knowledge of colonial Mexico, especially in terms of the interaction among the many groups that populated the colony. This early movement of people and ideas across the largest extension of water in the planet is characteristic of what has been called the ¿archaic globalization,¿ and thus research on these matters could contribute to the history of globalization.In this presentation, I seek to further elaborate on the themes outlined by Edward Slack in The Chinos in New Spain: A Corrective Lens for a Distorted Image, an article published in 2009 in the Journal of World History. Firstly, I would like to bring forth some evidence that indicates that Asian religious practices were present in Mexico in the 1600s. Furthermore, I will argue that the traces of these practices are still visible today, in the form of a popular fortune-telling tradition. Secondly, I intend to provide some information about the arrival, settlement and distribution of the Asian Diaspora. I will focus on their distribution within Mexico City. Thirdly, I will elaborate on their occupations, social status and daily life, as well as in the patterns in marriages and relations with other groups. And lastly, I will show how the guild of barbers served as an Asian immigrant reception network.

DNA multigene sequencing of topotypic specimens of the fascioliasis vector Lymnaea diaphana and phylogenetic analysis of the genus Pectinidens (Gastropoda)

Freshwater lymnaeid snails are crucial in defining transmission and epidemiology of fascioliasis. In South America, human endemic areas are related to high altitudes in Andean regions. The species Lymnaea diaphana has, however, been involved in low altitude areas of Chile, Argentina and Peru where human infection also occurs. Complete nuclear ribosomal DNA 18S, internal transcribed spacer (ITS)-2 and ITS-1 and fragments of mitochondrial DNA 16S and cytochrome c oxidase (cox)1 genes of L. diaphana specimens from its type locality offered 1,848, 495, 520, 424 and 672 bp long sequences. Comparisons with New and Old World Galba/Fossaria, Palaearctic stagnicolines, Nearctic stagnicolines, Old World Radix and Pseudosuccinea allowed to conclude that (i) L. diaphana shows sequences very different from all other lymnaeids, (ii) each marker allows its differentiation, except cox1 amino acid sequence, and (iii) L. diaphana is not a fossarine lymnaeid, but rather an archaic relict form derived from the oldest North American stagnicoline ancestors. Phylogeny and large genetic distances support the genus Pectinidens as the first stagnicoline representative in the southern hemisphere, including colonization of extreme world regions, as most southern Patagonia, long time ago. The phylogenetic link of L. diaphana with the stagnicoline group may give light to the aforementioned peculiar low altitude epidemiological scenario of fascioliasis.

Earliest known use of marine resources by neanderthals

Numerous studies along the northern Mediterranean borderland have documented the use of shellfish by Neanderthals but none of these finds are prior to Marine Isotopic Stage 3 (MIS 3). In this paper we present evidence that gathering and consumption of mollusks can now be traced back to the lowest level of the archaeological sequence at Bajondillo Cave (Málaga, Spain), dated during the MIS 6. The paper describes the taxonomical and taphonomical features of the mollusk assemblages from this level Bj19 and briefly touches upon those retrieved in levels Bj18 (MIS 5) and Bj17 (MIS 4), evidencing a continuity of the shellfishing activity that reaches to MIS 3. This evidence is substantiated on 29 datings through radiocarbon, thermoluminescence and U series methods. Obtained dates and paleoenvironmental records from the cave include isotopic, pollen, lithostratigraphic and sedimentological analyses and they are fully coherent with paleoclimate conditions expected for the different stages. We conclude that described use of shellfish resources by Neanderthals (H. neanderthalensis) in Southern Spain started ~150 ka and were almost contemporaneous to Pinnacle Point (South Africa), when shellfishing is first documented in archaic modern humans.

Santuarios y fortalezas: cuestiones de indigenismo, helenización y romanización en torno a Emporion y Rhode (S VI-I a.C.)

Se presentan diversas cuestiones de la relación entre los modelos helénicos de las colonias de Emporion y Rhode y las costumbres indígenas evidenciadas en los yacimientos ibéricos de su entorno. Los cultos de Artemis y Apolo como dioses protectores de la emporía arcaica de los foceos, el urbanismo de Rhode en el siglo III a.C., los cultos emporitanos, la interpretación del yacimiento de Pontós, la mezcla de cultos griegos y celtas en Ullastret y Pontós y un cálato excepcional en un campo de silos al pie de S. Julià, se estudian como evidencias de esta relación. En el siglo II a.C., Roma implantará un nuevo orden político y económico del que Emporion será la gran beneficiada.

Les arrels ... i el seu autor

En esta indroducción se glosa la figura profesional y cívica de Miquel Tarradell y se hace una aproximación historiográfica a su obra, con una referencia especial a Les arrels de Catalunya. Se hace un repaso a algunos de los aspectos más relevantes de su obra, muy influenciada por el difusionismo orientalista: sus aportaciones al conocimiento de l colonización fenicia arcaica, a la delimitación de la cultura del Argar a partir del estudio regional de l Edad del Bronce en el País Valenciano, al inicio de los estudios de economía prehistórica y a la prehistoria catalana.

Mise en récit et théâtralisation dans le jeu en psychothérapie d'enfants : de l'archaïque au symbolique

« Il était une fois... Cette thèse aborde le lien entre l'expression théâtrale et son utilisation clinique dans la psychothérapie d'enfants. Partant du questionnement sur les origines du théâtre et de la thérapie dans l'histoire de l'humanité, donc du substrat « archaïque » de l'homme et de sa relation à l'art scénique, la première partie développe une réflexion autour des rituels, du chamanisme et de la notion du soin. Purement théorique, elle soulève cependant la question de l'identité de l'Homme dans les sociétés postmodernes et traite de la thématique du développement psychique de l'enfant au sein de notre société occidentale ainsi que des souffrances qui en amènent certains vers les consultations psychologiques La partie principale s'articule autour de six histoires cliniques d'enfants suivis en psychothérapie expressive, récits dans lesquels la médiation théâtrale et corporelle devient 1 outil central du soin. En se développant sur la base d'une mise en narration des histoires imaginaires des enfants qui reflètent leurs angoisses archaïques, 1 univers thérapeutique prend alors la forme d'une scène psychique ouvrant a la symbolisation à travers le jeu théâtral. Parallèlement à la description de ce dispositif, une élaboration est menée autour des échanges transférentiels et con re transferentiels ainsi que sur la position du thérapeute - son rôle de « médium malleable » - dans la relation à l'Autre qui se tisse dans un « ici et maintenant » de la rencontre psychotherapeutic. Grâce à cet univers ludique s'enracinant dans son vécu psycho-fantasmatique, l'enfant devient l'acteur agissant de sa propre transfonnation : une évolution du monstre archaïque en sa créature symbolique. -- « Once upon a time... » This thesis treats the link between theatrical expression and its clinical use in children s psychotherapy. Originating from interrogations on the origins of theatre and therapy in the history of mankind, therefore the « archaic » substratum of Man and his relation to the theatre. The first part develops a reflection around rituals shamanism and the notion of care. In a purely theoretical way, it brings up the ques ions of Man's identity in post-modern societies and deals with the psychic development of children in western society and the pains that lead some to seek for psychological consultations. The main part hinges on six clinical stories of children in expressive psychotherapy, m which theatrical and coiporal mediation become the main tool within he treatment. By putting into narration, the children's imaginary stories that reflect their archaic anxiety, therapy takes in the shape of a psychic scene, which opens to symbolization through acting. At the same time, an elaboration is lead on transferential and counter-transferential exchanges as on the therapists position - his role as « malleable medium » - his interactions with others as a «here and now » in the psychotherapeutic encounter. Thanks to this playful universe, which emerges from his psycho-fantasy past, the child becomes the willing actor of his own transformation: the evolution of the archaic monster into its symbolical creature.

The Reality of Neandertal Symbolic Behavior at the Grotte du Renne, Arcy-sur-Cure, France

The question of whether symbolically mediated behavior is exclusive to modern humans or shared with anatomically archaic populations such as the Neandertals is hotly debated. At the Grotte du Renne, Arcy-sur-Cure, France, the Châtelperronian levels contain Neandertal remains and large numbers of personal ornaments, decorated bone tools and colorants, but it has been suggested that this association reflects intrusion of the symbolic artifacts from the overlying Protoaurignacian and/or of the Neandertal remains from the underlying Mousterian.