845 resultados para Southeast Asia and Oceania
Resumo:
The taxonomic status of Coptotermes gestroi (Wasmann), C. havilandi Holmgren, C. travians (Haviland) and C. borneensis Oshima (Isoptera: Rhinotermitidae) is revised. The apparent discrepancy between the reported importance of C. havitandi in countries to which it has been introduced and the region from which it originated is shown to be due to misidentification and taxonomic confusion between C. travians, C. havilandi and C. gestroi. Based on an examination of specimens from Southeast Asia, two species are recognized, namely C. gestroi and C. travians. Coptotermes havilandi, described from imagos, is shown to be the same species as C. gestro described earlier from the soldier caste, and is designated a junior synonym. Coptotermes gestroi occurs from Assam through Burma and Thailand to Malaysia and the Indonesian archipelago, and has been introduced into other geographic regions, including parts of North and South America and the Caribbean. It is frequently found damaging wood in buildings, and is often intercepted outside its range in cargo onboard ships and sailing vessels, which is a likely mechanism for its spread to new geographical areas. Coptotermes gestroi has been misidentified in much literature as C. travians. Conversely, C. travians has been misidentified in recent literature in Peninsular Malaysia as C. havilandi and was redescribed from Borneo as C. borneensis, which is here designated a junior synonym of C. travians. It has a known distribution from Peninsular Malaysia to Borneo, and has not been found infesting wood in buildings. It is envisaged that the resolution of this taxonomic problem will enable the deployment of common pest management strategies for C. gestro the primary pest species of Coptotermes originating from Southeast Asia.
Resumo:
BACKGROUND: Unsafe abortions are a serious public health problem and a major human rights issue. In low-income countries, where restrictive abortion laws are common, safe abortion care is not always available to women in need. Health care providers have an important role in the provision of abortion services. However, the shortage of health care providers in low-income countries is critical and exacerbated by the unwillingness of some health care providers to provide abortion services. The aim of this study was to identify, summarise and synthesise available research addressing health care providers' perceptions of and attitudes towards induced abortions in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia. METHODS: A systematic literature search of three databases was conducted in November 2014, as well as a manual search of reference lists. The selection criteria included quantitative and qualitative research studies written in English, regardless of the year of publication, exploring health care providers' perceptions of and attitudes towards induced abortions in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia. The quality of all articles that met the inclusion criteria was assessed. The studies were critically appraised, and thematic analysis was used to synthesise the data. RESULTS: Thirty-six studies, published during 1977 and 2014, including data from 15 different countries, met the inclusion criteria. Nine key themes were identified as influencing the health care providers' attitudes towards induced abortions: 1) human rights, 2) gender, 3) religion, 4) access, 5) unpreparedness, 6) quality of life, 7) ambivalence 8) quality of care and 9) stigma and victimisation. CONCLUSIONS: Health care providers in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia have moral-, social- and gender-based reservations about induced abortion. These reservations influence attitudes towards induced abortions and subsequently affect the relationship between the health care provider and the pregnant woman who wishes to have an abortion. A values clarification exercise among abortion care providers is needed.
Resumo:
Since 2008, the FIGO Initiative for the Prevention of Unsafe Abortion and its Consequences has contributed to ensuring the substitution of sharp curettage by manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) and medical abortion in selected hospitals in participating countries of South-Southeast Asia. This initiative facilitated the registration of misoprostol in Pakistan and Bangladesh, and the approval of mifepristone for "menstrual regulation" in Bangladesh. The Pakistan Nursing Council agreed to include MVA and medical abortion in the midwifery curriculum. The Bangladesh Government has approved the training of nurses and paramedics in the use of MVA to treat incomplete abortion in selected cases. The Sri Lanka College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, in collaboration with partners, has presented a draft petition to the relevant authorities appealing for them to liberalize the abortion law in cases of rape and incest or when lethal congenital abnormalities are present. Significantly, the initiative has introduced or strengthened the provision of postabortion contraception.
Resumo:
Introduction. This chapter takes a closer look at the European Union (EU), China, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s respective approaches to dealing with non-traditional security (NTS) challenges by investigating their policies toward Burma/Myanmar—a source country of numerous such challenges. It argues that, although all, as members of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), see the need for multilateral solutions to fight organized crime, provide disaster relief, combat terrorism, prevent drug trafficking, etc., they differ with respect to the steps to be taken to protect human security in Asia-Pacific. China, initially hesitant to join the ARF for fear that other members might try to contain it, has come to value the principal forum for NTS challenges in the Asia-Pacific region since, like many ASEAN countries, it is a big proponent of non-interventionism, non-use of force, consensus decision-making, that is, the confidence-building mechanisms commonly referred to as the ‘ASEAN way’.2 The EU, as a strong proponent of human rights and the rule of law, repeatedly, has criticized ARF members for allowing sovereignty-related norms to get in the way of the protection of human rights, but it has refrained from assuming the role of norm exporter. As will be seen in the case of Burma/Myanmar, the EU does make its opinions heard and, when necessary, will take unilateral steps not supported by the ASEAN members of the ARF but, cognizant of the history of the region, for the most part, settles for supporting economic development and aiding in capacity-building, understanding that it would be counter-productive to exert pressure on reluctant ARF members to modify the non-interference norm. The chapter then speculates about the ‘ASEAN way’s’ longevity, arguing that, increasingly, there are internal and external dynamics that seem to indicate that the ‘ASEAN way,’ at least in its current form, may not be here to stay. The conclusion looks at what might be in store for Burma/Myanmar in the years to come.