957 resultados para Social reforms
Resumo:
Em função dos problemas vivenciados na seguridade social ao longo da história os governos promoveram reformas estruturais com o objetivo de equacionar estes problemas e promover o equilíbrio das contas públicas. A seguridade social brasileira foi modulada em um sistema multipilar congregando uma previdência pública para cobertura de trabalhadores do setor privado (RGPS), uma previdência complementar (RPC) e uma previdência do setor público (RPPS). O RPPS é uma previdência de filiação obrigatória e contribuição compulsória, não permitindo aos seus contribuintes argüirem sua adesão, sendo um questionamento impraticável enquanto houver um vínculo empregatício. A compreensão do funcionamento do regime previdenciário ao qual está vinculado, suas obrigações e direitos enquanto contribuinte e beneficiário, apresenta-se de vital importância para a aquiescência de sua participação, assim como também a sua co-responsabilidade na gestão dos recursos aportados ao sistema. Neste contexto, este estudo teve como objetivo avaliar, por meio da realização de uma pesquisa de natureza descritiva e com adoção do método quantitativo para tratamento dos dados, se as informações contábeis geradas pelo regime previdenciário municipal são úteis ao processo decisório desta última classe de segurados previdenciários, os servidores públicos municipais. Os resultados obtidos evidenciaram que o servidor municipal demonstra um baixo interesse em obter informações previdenciárias principalmente financeiras e contábeis. Este baixo interesse advém de dois fatores: dificuldade de acesso (65% dos respondentes) e pouco conhecimento de temas relacionados tema tais como fontes de custeio e aplicação dos recursos (62%). O baixo interesse dos servidores públicos em obter informações quanto ao PREVIRIO/ FUNPREVI concede ao gestor do sistema liberdade para decidir os rumos que devem ser tomados para a instituição previdenciária. O servidor público precisa tomar conhecimento quanto aos resultados de gestão do sistema previdenciário e para isto são necessárias duas ações: de um lado uma intenção de agir do próprio servidor, tomando para si a responsabilidade pelos rumos do sistema. Do outro lado uma intenção próativa dos responsáveis pela gestão e pela elaboração de informações a serem disponibilizadas para este segmento de usuário.
Resumo:
This article provides an analysis of resistance to neoliberalism and commodification in the public healthcare sector as seen from a trade union perspective. It uses recent research on social-movement unionism and new labour internationalism to structure a series of case studies examining resistance to different dimensions of healthcare commodification in four countries. The range of alliances trade unions are making do not fit tidily into one model, but give insights into the movement elements of trade unionism. This dimension must be strengthened, but can also be in tension with collective bargaining and other institutional processes. How to constantly reconcile these different positions is the future challenge facing trade unions.
Resumo:
This paper analyses the interaction between neoliberal inspired reforms of public services and the mechanisms for achieving public accountability. Where once accountability was exercised through the ballot box, now in the neoliberal age managerial and market based forms of accountability predominate. The analysis identifies resistance from civil society campaigns to the neoliberal restructuring of public services which leads to public accountability (PA) becoming a contested arena. To develop this analysis a re-theorisation of PA, as a relationship where civil society seeks to control the state, is explored in the context of social housing in England over the past thirty years. Central to this analysis is a dialogical analysis of key documents from a social housing regulator and civil society campaign. The analysis shows that the current PA practices are an outcome of both reforms from the government and resistance from civil society (in the shape of tenants’ campaigns). The outcome of which is to tell the story of the changes in PA (and accountability) centring on an analysis of discourse. Thus, the paper moves towards answering the question – what has happened to PA during the neoliberal age?
Resumo:
The paper explores the issues raised by social work students failing in practice learning settings from the perspective of university tutors, by drawing on existing literature in this area from social work and nursing, as well as findings from a small‐scale empirical qualitative study. The qualitative study was influenced by practitioner‐researcher and practice‐near paradigms; and is based on interviews with twelve social work tutors in England. The findings reveal that tutors are able to articulate the important tasks and functions of their roles when issues of failing students in practice learning settings arise, although the process can be challenging. The challenges include: supporting practice educator and student, concerns about other tutors’ practices, the difficulties in promoting appropriate professional standards and values within higher education contexts and frustrations with practice educators and placements. Only a third of the respondents (four) however, articulated their gate keeping roles and responsibilities although this was not without its difficulties. Given the current reforms in social work education in England at this present time, with greater emphasis on threshold standards at entry level, and at key stages throughout the programme of study, the research is timely in terms of the critical consideration of the tutor role and challenges inherent in promoting appropriate standards.
Resumo:
Reforms which increase the stock of education in a society have long been held by policy-makers as key to improving rates of intergenerational social mobility. Yet, despite the intuitive plausibility of this idea, the empirical evidence in support of an effect of educational expansion on social fluidity is both indirect and weak. In this paper we use the raising of the minimum school leaving age from 15 to 16 years in England and Wales in 1972 to estimate the effect of educational participation and qualification attainment on rates of intergenerational social class mobility. Because, in expectation, children born immediately before and after the policy was implemented are statistically exchangeable, the difference in the amount of education they received may be treated as exogenously determined. The exogenous nature of the additional education gain means that differences in rates of social mobility between cohorts affected by the reform can be treated as having been caused by the additional education. The data for the analysis come from the ONS Longitudinal Study, which links individual records from successive decennial censuses between 1971 and 2001. Our findings show that, although the reform resulted in an increase in educational attainment in the population as a whole and a weakening of the association between attainment and class origin, there was no reliably discernible increase in the rate of intergenerational social mobility.
Resumo:
This thesis explores the impact of recent social welfare reforms on the lives of social assistance recipients. The focus is on single mothers who are dependent on social assistance in a small city in southern Ontario. This detailed examination is complemented with existing case studies in Canada, the United States and New Zealand, as well as aggregate data on poverty in Canada. Participants for the research study were recruited by flyer distribution and referral. Following recruitment, selected participants were scheduled for a tape- recorded interview. The final sample population consists of eight single mothers on social assistance and/or workfare participants. This information is supplemented with interviews from two Ontario Works caseworkers and two Women's Advocates from a local crisis housing organization. This research project is guided by a socialist feminist framework. Evidence from interview participants suggest that single mothers continue to struggle in terms of meeting basic needs, such as food, clothing and medications. Housing for low-income families is a concern expressed by the participants as well as by Women's Advocates who operate within the region. In addition, subsidized housing continues to be problematic in terms of both safety and availability. Recent social welfare refonns (reductions in welfare income and introduction of workfare features) have intensified the economic and social marginalization of these women. Participants, for example, voice concerns about valuing self-evaluation in their Ontario Works and workfare activities. Considerable evidence from interview participants suggest that single mothers remain economically marginalized.
Resumo:
The main aim of the present thesis is to dig deep into the once existed tenurial conditions and legislations that were passed to remedy the evils connected with the tenurial Conditions and to highlight ace of the economic impacts of the land reform legislation introduced since 1956.The thesis states that although the misery and exploitation which afflict the rural people and injustice inherent in the social structure can be removed by the strict implementation of land reforms. it is not the single and definite way or liberating the peasantry from its fate. Reform in not an Utopia: it is only the product of a constellation of political and social forces. ‘This study covers a period of twenty four years - ie...1956-1980.
Resumo:
Since its beginning in 1999, the Bologna Process has influenced various aspects of higher education in its member countries, e.g., degree structures, mobility, lifelong learning, social dimension and quality assurance. The social dimension creates the focus of this research. The social dimension entered the Bologna Process agenda in 2001. Despite a decade of reforms, it somehow remained as a vague element and received low scholarly attention. This research addresses to this gap. Firstly, different meanings of the social dimension according to the major European policy actors are analysed. Unfolding the understandings of the actors revealed that the social dimension is mostly understood in terms reflecting the diversity of population on the student body accessing to, progressing in and completing higher education, with a special concern on the underrepresented groups. However, it is not possible to observe a similar commonality concerning the actual policy measures to achieve this goal. Divergence occurs with respect to the addressed underrepresented groups, i.e., all underrepresented groups or people without formal qualifications and mature learners, and the values and institutional interests traditionally promoted by these actors. Secondly, the dissertation discusses the reflection of this social dimension understanding at the national level by looking at cases of Finland, Germany and Turkey. The in-depth analyses show an awareness of the social dimension among most of the national Bologna Process actors and a common understanding of the social dimension goals. However, this understanding has not triggered action in any of the countries. The countries acted on areas which they defined problematic before the Bologna Process. Finally, based on these findings the dissertation discusses the social dimension as a policy item that managed to get into the Bologna Process agenda, but neither grew into an implementable policy, nor drop out of it. To this aim, it makes use of the multiple streams framework and explains the low agenda status social dimension with: i. the lack of a pressing problem definition: the lack of clearly defined indicators and a comprehensive monitoring system, ii. the lack of a viable solution alternative: the proposal of developing national strategies and action plans closed the way to develop generic guidelines for the social dimension to be translated into national policy processes, iii. low political perceptivity: the recent trends opt for increasing efficiency, excellence and exclusiveness discourses rather than ensuring equality and inclusiveness iv. high constraints: the social dimension by definition requires more public funding which is less appreciated and strategic constraints of the actors in allocating their resources v. the type of policy entrepreneur: the social dimension is promoted by an international stakeholder, the European Students’ Union, instead of the ministers responsible for higher education The social dimension remains a policy item in the Bologna Process which is noble enough to agree but not urgent enough to act on.
Resumo:
Almost all Latin American countries are still marked by extreme forms of social inequality – and to an extent, this seems to be the case regardless of national differences in the economic development model or the strength of democracy and the welfare state. Recent research highlights the fact that the heterogeneous labour markets in the region are a key source of inequality. At the same time, there is a strengthening of ‘exclusive’ social policy, which is located at the fault lines of the labour market and is constantly (re-)producing market-mediated disparities. In the last three decades, this type of social policy has even enjoyed democratic legitimacy. These dynamics challenge many of the assumptions guiding social policy and democratic theory, which often attempt to account for the specificities of the region by highlighting the purported flaws of certain policies. We suggest taking a different perspective: social policy in Latin American should not be grasped as a deficient or flawed type of social policy, but as a very successful relation of political domination. ‘Relational social analysis’ locates social policy in the ‘tension zone’ constituted by the requirements of economic reproduction, demands for democratic legitimacy and the relative autonomy of the state. From this vantage point, we will make the relation of domination in question accessible for empirical research. It seems particularly useful for this purpose to examine the recent shifts in the Latin American labour markets, which have undergone numerous reforms. We will examine which mechanisms, institutions and constellations of actors block or activate the potentials of redistribution inherent in such processes of political reform. This will enable us to explore the socio-political field of forces that has been perpetuating the social inequalities in Latin America for generations.
Resumo:
Los tradicionales partidos políticos colombianos Liberal y Conservador en sus orígenes debatieron por el rol que debía desempeñar la Iglesia Católica en el Estado, las posturas implicaban optar por un poder civil independiente o sujeto al poder religioso, éste debate sirvió para que las comunidades políticas justificaran confrontaciones civiles y reformas constitucionales. Sin embargo, adviértase que estas diferencias conceptuales entre las comunidades políticas permitieron integrar a sectores de la población en torno a los partidos políticos.