935 resultados para Social action


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This article begins with the premise that morality is an intrinsic, although often invisible, aspect of everyday social action. Drawn from a corpus of fifty audiorecorded telephone calls to Kids Helpline, an Australian helpline for children and young people, we examine one call to show how the young caller and counsellor co-construct ‘morality-in-action’. Ethnomethodological understandings and, in particular, Sacks’ (1992) description of ‘Class 2’ rules and infractions show how an adolescent caller and counsellor collaboratively assemble moral versions of the caller. In puzzling out possible motives, the caller and counsellor can be seen to be attending to the implications of different moral versions of the caller. This attribution of motives is moral work in action, with motives contingently assembled, displayed and evaluated, with such work understood as displays of moral reasoning. The counselling call makes visible the counsellor’s interactional work to support and empower the client. Analysis such as this offers counsellors ways of understanding and making visible their interactional and moral work within helpline call interactions.

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[ES]En este trabajo se ha realizado un estudio de la responsabilidad social empresarial y su relación con el marketing. Más concretamente, se ha estudiado cómo influye ésta en la imagen y la reputación de la empresa, como influye en la relación con los clientes y la importancia de su comunicación. Posteriormente se han analizado 10 empresas pertenecientes al Pacto Mundial de las Naciones Unidas mediante la observación y análisis de sus páginas web. Con ello pretendíamos detectar si comunicaban o no sus esfuerzos de RSE en la web, como soporte que hoy por hoy es básico en la comunicación de cualquier empresa. También queríamos detectar cual era su grado de implicación en la materia, que cuestiones predominaban y que tipo de iniciativas desarrollaban en mayor medida. Los resultados obtenidos en cuanto a la comunicación han sido los esperados, todas las empresas presentaban información sobre RSE en sus páginas web, lo que muestra su interés porque los clientes y otros potenciales targets (inversores, empleados, sociedad en general, etc.) conozcan su compromiso con la RSE. Los ámbitos sobre los que predomina la información han sido las políticas medioambientales y la acción social. Para terminar, resaltar que dentro de los grupos de interés destaca la relación con los proveedores y empleados.

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There is a collective worldview on social policies that is expressed and understood by university professionals. However, it takes students time to construct this knowledge. Here, we provide fundamental ideas and a dynamic to facilitate learning of social policies. The preparation of a brief dictionary of significant terms is to be constructed as a group, alongside the maieutic work to be carried out by the teacher. The goal is to discover keys to understand the meaning of social policies and the underlying values that sustain a social and democratic rule-of-law state such as the one proposed in the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Attention is focused on the structure of the mixed welfare state. This is an integral proposal and comprises three dimensions. First, it considers the state and its possible welfare agents: business, market, the Church and civil society. The attitudes with which universal and inclusive social action is promoted, breaking radically with the aid-based meaning contained in other systems, are then addressed. Finally, we examine human dignity as a principle and aim of intervention, a basis for understanding other concepts such as human, social, labour and political rights. It is to be hoped that these pages prove useful for both teaching staff and students.

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O empreendedorismo social tem vindo, nas últimas décadas, a ser denominado como um novo paradigma determinante para o funcionamento da economia, em grande parte, porque a economia social tornou-se basilar na sociedade, por um lado, pelo crescimento exponencial da exclusão social, elevado desemprego e envelhecimento da população e, por outro, devido às dificuldades orçamentais dos governos. O empreendedorismo social, utilizado por Instituições Particulares de Solidariedade Social sem fins lucrativos, procura resolver problemas sociais de forma inovadora e sustentável, com a finalidade de dar resposta aos grandes desafios sociais da atualidade, através da ação social na prevenção e no apoio nas diversas situações de fragilidade, exclusão ou carência humana, promovendo a inclusão, a integração social e o desenvolvimento local. O objetivo fundamental do presente trabalho, pretende verificar até que ponto as IPSS podem ser definidas como empreendedores sociais, através da prestação de serviços, nas variadas áreas à população local, de forma a alcançar o valor social. Neste estudo enveredou-se pela metodologia qualitativa, utilizando o método do estudo de caso único, recorrendo ao questionário como instrumento de recolha de dados numa instituição particular de solidariedade social do concelho da Maia. Deste estudo foi possível concluir a IPSS tem uma proximidade às populações, através das diversas valências vocacionadas para a resolução de problemas sociais emergentes, promovendo a inclusão a integração social, e alcançar o valor social. Assim, consideramos a IPSS estudada como sendo parte integrante e promotora do empreendedorismo social.

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Ce mémoire traite de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à partir de l’analyse du travail d’intervention de deux organismes locaux situés à Trou du Nord (Haïti). Il s’agit d’explorer les manières dont les membres se représentent et s’approprient leur statut de citoyen. Pour mettre l’emphase sur les mécanismes associatifs et sociaux qui interviennent dans la construction de ce que nous nommons "espace social citoyen", nous avons mené une recherche qualitative dont la charpente interprétative est conçue avec l’aide des outils théorico-pratiques de la politique de participation (Barber, 1997) et l’intervention sociale collective (Lamoureux, 1991). Nous avançons l’hypothèse centrale que les pratiques associatives sont le vecteur de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à Trou du Nord. Cette hypothèse centrale est soutenue par deux hypothèses opératoires portant sur les conditions d’exercice de citoyenneté et l’affirmation individuelle de l’appartenance des membres à l’espace commun. Nous avons recueilli quatorze entretiens semi-directifs effectués avec les membres de l’Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT) et du Rassemblement des Militants Solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO). Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que les membres de ces deux organisations manifestent une grande volonté de contribuer au développement de leur localité et au «mieux-être» de la population. Leur implication directe dans les affaires politiques et sociales s’accompagne des exigences pour que l’État prenne en charge ses responsabilités vis-à-vis de ses citoyens. Cette liberté d’action repose sur le partage de leurs expériences individuelles et sur une grande connaissance des divers aspects des réalités locales auxquelles sont confrontés quotidiennement les citoyens. Ces deux groupes sont conçus comme des espaces de sociabilité, des lieux publics et dynamiques issus de l’activité commune et des divers types d’interactions au niveau local. Toujours d’après l’analyse, les membres de ces deux groupes interviennent sur un problème d’ensemble collectif au niveau local sans pour autant négliger leurs propres intérêts. Ils s’inscrivent dans le jeu de marchandage électoral et apprennent à leurs membres à se comporter comme une communauté d’intérêts et d’actions, elle-même inscrite dans l’ensemble des interactions, des processus et des dynamiques de résolution des problèmes au niveau local. Un tel constat vient à la fois valider certaines de nos hypothèses tout en révélant les limites de l’idée de la construction d’un espace social citoyen. D’une part, la volonté de contribuer au «mieux-être» de la population, la nécessité de prendre la parole, d’exprimer les problèmes collectifs et individuels, le souci d’avoir un contrôle sur l’action des dirigeants élus sont autant d’enjeux qui leur ont permis de passer de leur vécu particulier à une vision plus large des intérêts collectifs et à la définition des tâches qu’ils estiment correspondre au rôle citoyen qui leur incombe. D’autre part, leur positionnement dans le champ politique notamment au moment des élections les fait apparaître comme des groupes partisans, c'est-à-dire qu’ils ne sont pas toujours dans la construction de l’intérêt général. Nous concluons que ce double aspect s’avère nécessaire aussi bien à la construction de l’espace social citoyen qu’au fonctionnement démocratique au niveau local. Car, en plus de se définir comme citoyens et d’affirmer leur appartenance communautaire, les membres développent les capacités critiques face aux gestes et actes posés autant par les dirigeants locaux que par l’État haïtien lui-même. Ils acquièrent aussi les habilités de participer, même dans les interstices, aux jeux sociopolitiques faisant partie du processus de renforcement de la citoyenneté et d’un système démocratique en construction.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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El fenómeno del desplazamiento forzado en Colombia ha sido y sigue siendo uno de los temas más importantes tanto a nivel nacional como internacional. Colombia se encuentra hoy entre los países del mundo con más número de desplazamientos forzados, lo cual implica una violación a los derechos humanos y al Derecho Internacional Humanitario. Por tal razón, el fenómeno de desplazamiento en Colombia no solo ha sido tema de preocupación a nivel interno, sino que ha llamado la atención de la comunidad internacional, quien desde los últimos años ha contribuido con el Gobierno para hacer frente a la problemática. Teniendo esto en cuenta, el presente trabajo busca hacer una aproximación a lo que ha sido la ayuda internacional frente al tema del desplazamiento forzado en Colombia, mediante el análisis de la Cooperación Internacional entre Organismos Internacionales y el Gobierno colombiano, específicamente en materia de protección y asistencia de la población desplazada por la violencia. Se hará especial énfasis en el papel del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR) junto con el de la Agencia Presidencial para la Acción Social y la Cooperación Internacional, que se deriva en la Unidad Técnica Conjunta (UTEC).

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Este artículo analiza la construcción de significados compartidos al interior de una emergente movilización social por el agua en la Cuenca de México (CM). Este texto se deriva de una investigación doctoral sobre el desarrollo reciente de esta movilización (2005-2009) y su potencial aporte  reflexivo a la sociedad. El análisis de los significados compartidos realizado permite, de una parte, identificar y jerarquizar las principales ideas y propuestas que esta movilización ofrece al sistema  político y social, y, de otra parte, evaluar su aporte crítico y propositivo frente al actual orden social del agua en la región. El desarrollo de esta movilización es, en efecto, un indicador del aumento y  la cualificación de la acción y la organización social por el agua, así como de la agudización de los  conflictos y el malestar social frente a sus definiciones y usos dominantes. El contenido de este artículo se divide en tres secciones: primero, la contextualización del caso de  estudio y sus principales elementos te ricos y metodológicos; segundo, el análisis de los significados  compartidos en la movilización, y tercero, las consideraciones finales y conclusiones sobre los principales retos que la movilización enfrenta y su potencial aporte reflexivo, político y cultural.

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The emergence of social action amid governance is relatively new, but has been cases and situations even in earlier centuries than the 20th century. The presence, however, of a permanent social action in the State as a regular form of action public institutions, further established in republican constitutions in Latin America, is a significant novelty in the exercise of public administration. This research deals with the analysis of this reality, still incipient, and the implications of the permanent presence of the society in the state function. A reference framework for treating relationship between society and State involvement in a deep dimension is no stranger to the analysis of ideologies, agencies, interests and policy management dimension. This study analyzes the current situation of this participation in the State, in the case of Ecuador, with some references with other countries in the region. The study concludes that this participation is still incipient, amid a complex dialectic of stakeholders. Finally research makes some proposals to operationalize such participation and make it real, deep and continuous.

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Anglo-Saxon monastic archaeology has been constrained by the limited scale of past investigations and their overriding emphasis on core buildings. This paper draws upon the results of an ongoing campaign of archaeological research that is redressing the balance through an ambitious programme of open-area excavation at Lyminge, Kent, the site of a royal double monastery founded in the seventh century ad. The results of five completed fieldwork seasons are assessed and contextualised in a narrative sequence emphasising the dynamic character of Lyminge as an Anglo-Saxon monastic settlement. In so doing, the study brings into sharp focus how early medieval monasteries were emplaced in the landscape, with specific reference to Anglo-Saxon Kent, a regional context offering key insights into how the process of monastic foundation redefined antecedent central places of long-standing politico-religious significance and social action.

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This dissertation looked for to study the charisma of the religious mediator us " Movements of Christianity of Liberation " in the Diocese Sergipana of Propriá, during the decade from sixty to eighty. Centering our debate in the understanding of the social action, we have as main subject to understand the " poor " influence in the adoption of actions on the part of the mediators, in that public's favor, mainly in Fazenda Betume conflicts (1974) and of Santana dos Frades (1979). The hypotheses, we became pregnant that the mediators as D. José Brandão de Castro and the nun Maria Joana Hermínia exercised an important influence in the construction of the identity of the movements as CEBs, MEB and CPT in the area. Such influence was motivated by a conversion of the mediator D. Brandão, constituted starting from a relationship maintained between him and the members of the movements and proportionate for the critics and demands done by the popular ones. They resulted in actions in favor of the rural ones, what characterized the Church of Propriá as allied of the involved in the conflicts and no mere middleman. Before the collected material, we made use of the Analysis of Content using the poor " term " as analysis category, complemented by interviews done to members of the mentioned movements. Esta dissertação buscou estudar o carisma do mediador religioso nos “Movimentos de Cristianismo de Libertação” na Diocese Sergipana de Propriá, durante a década de sessenta a oitenta. Centrando nosso debate na compreensão da ação social, temos como questão principal entender a influência dos “pobres” na adoção de ações por parte do mediador, em favor desse público, principalmente nos conflitos da Fazenda Betume (1974) e de Santana dos Frades (1979). Como hipóteses, concebemos que os mediadores como D. José Brandão de Castro e a freira Maria Joana Hermínia exerceram uma importante influência na construção da identidade dos movimentos como as CEBs, o MEB e a CPT na região. Tal influência foi motivada por uma conversão do mediador D. Brandão, constituída a partir de uma relação mantida entre ele e os membros dos movimentos e proporcionada pelas críticas e demandas feita pelos populares. Elas resultaram em ações em favor dos campesinos, o que caracterizou a Igreja de Propriá como aliada dos envolvidos nos conflitos e não mera intermediária. Ante o material coletado, fizemos uso da Análise de Conteúdo utilizando o termo “pobre” como categoria de análise, complementada por entrevistas feitas à membros dos movimentos citados.

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Many union leaders and observers of unionism in industrially advanced countries have recently argued for stronger links between unions and social movements but their arguments leave the nature of social movements underspecified. This article reviews the literature on social movements and argues in favour of a minimalist theory of the social actor rather than choose between American and European approaches to studying social movements. Both Melucci's European approach and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly's American approach to integrating the European and American schools of thought on social movements are inadequate to the task of specifying social-movement unionism. Hindess's minimalist theory of the social actor and articulated arenas of conflict offers a stronger approach to understanding social-movement unionism and appreciating its strategic pertinence in particular times and places. Two episodes of contention in Sweden illustrate the advantages of a minimalist theory of articulated social-movement unionism.

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Summary: In an increasingly secular era which finds only a small minority of the population regularly participating in organized religion, there is emerging interest in how spirituality can be incorporated into social work practice. This article proposes one way in which this might occur in `deliberately secular' nations such as Australia.

Findings: A framework in which spirituality is considered to be an aspect of lived experience is proposed. Dimensions of life which can be incorporated into such a framework include life rituals, creativity, social action, and sense of place.

Applications : Conceptualizing spirituality in a way which does not use specifically religious language or concepts, may enable discussion of spiritual issues to be incorporated into social work practice when either practitioners or service users have or no religious background or affiliation or no shared religious background.