951 resultados para Shipping bounties and subsidies.
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Vols. for 1890-1891- issued in parts.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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This dissertation examines the effect of regulations, resource and referral agencies, and subsidies on price and quality of care in child care centers. This research is based on a carefully developed conceptual framework that incorporates the factors affecting the demand and supply of child care. The first step in developing this framework is sketching out the structural equations. The structural equations help us understand the underlying behavior of individuals and firms making a decision. The exogenous variables are vector of attributes relating to family characteristics, child characteristics, regulations, subsidy, community characteristics and prices of inputs. Based on the structural equations, reduced form equations are estimated to find the effect of each of the exogenous variables on each of the endogenous variables. Reduced form equations help us answer public policy questions. The sample for this study is from the 1990 Profile of Child Care Settings (PCCS) data in which 2,089 center based programs were interviewed.^ Child/Staff Ratio (Group Level). Results indicate that among subsidies, only the state subsidy per child in poverty has a significant effect on the child/staff ratio at the group level. Presence of resource and referral agencies also increase the child/staff ratio at the group level. Also when the maximum center group size regulation for 25-36 months becomes more stringent, the child/staff ratio at the group level decreases.^ Child/Staff Ratio (Center Level). When the regulations for the maximum child/staff ratio for age groups 13-24 months and 37-60 months become lax, the child/staff ratio for the center increases. As the regulation for maximum group size for infants becomes stringent, the child/staff ratio decreases. An interesting finding is that as the regulations for maximum group size for age groups 13-24 months and 25-36 months become stringent, the child/staff ratio for the center increases. Another significant finding is that when a center is located in a rural area the child/staff ratio is significantly lower.^ Center Weighted Average Hourly Fees. Maximum group size regulations for age groups 25-36 months and 37-60 months have a negative effect on center hourly fee. Maximum child staff regulations for age groups 13-24 months and 37-60 months have a negative effect on center hourly fee. Maximum child staff regulations for age groups 0-12 months and 25-36 months have a positive effect on center hourly fee. Findings also indicate that the center average hourly price is lower when there is a resource and referral agency present. Cost adjusted prekindergarten funds and JOBS child care subsidies have a negative effect on average hourly fee. Cost adjusted social services block grant and state subsidy per child in poverty have a positive effect on the average hourly price. A major finding of this dissertation is the interaction of subsidy and regulatory variables.^ Another major finding is that child/staff ratio at the group level is lower when there is an interaction between geographic location and nature of center sponsorship. ^
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This dissertation examines the effect of regulations, resource and referral agencies, and subsidies on price and quality of care in child care centers. This research is based on a carefully developed conceptual framework that incorporates the factors affecting the demand and supply of child care. The first step in developing this framework is sketching out the structural equations. The structural equations help us understand the underlying behavior of individuals and firms making a decision. The exogenous variables are vector of attributes relating to family characteristics, child characteristics, regulations, subsidy, community characteristics and prices of inputs. Based on the structural equations, reduced form equations are estimated to find the effect of each of the exogenous variables on each of the endogenous variables. Reduced form equations help us answer public policy questions. The sample for this study is from the 1990 Profile of Child Care Settings (PCCS) data in which 2,089 center based programs were interviewed. Child/Staff Ratio (Group Level): Results indicate that among subsidies, only the state subsidy per child in poverty has a significant effect on the child/staff ratio at the group level. Presence of resource and referral agencies also increase the child/staff ratio at the group level. Also when the maximum center group size regulation for 25-36 months becomes more stringent, the child/staff ratio at the group level decreases. Child/Staff Ratio (Center Level): When the regulations for the maximum child/staff ratio for age groups 13-24 months and 37-60 months become lax, the child/staff ratio for the center increases. As the regulation for maximum group size for infants becomes stringent, the child/staff ratio decreases. An interesting finding is that as the regulations for maximum group size for age groups 13-24 months and 25-36 months become stringent, the child/staff ratio for the center increases. Another significant finding is that when a center is located in a rural area the child/staff ratio is significantly lower. Center Weighted Average Hourly Fees: Maximum group size regulations for age groups 25-36 months and 37-60 months have a negative effect on center hourly fee. Maximum child staff regulations for age groups 13-24 months and 37-60 months have a negative effect on center hourly fee. Maximum child staff regulations for age groups 0-12 months and 25-36 months have a positive effect on center hourly fee. Findings also indicate that the center average hourly price is lower when there is a resource and referral agency present. Cost adjusted prekindergarten funds and JOBS child care subsidies have a negative effect on average hourly fee. Cost adjusted social services block grant and state subsidy per child in poverty have a positive effect on the average hourly price. A major finding of this dissertation is the interaction of subsidy and regulatory variables. Another major finding is that child/staff ratio at the group level is lower when there is an interaction between geographic location and nature of center sponsorship.
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The main objective of the thesis is to seek insights into the theory, and provide empirical evidence of rebound effects. Rebound effects reduce the environmental benefits of environmental policies and household behaviour changes. In particular, win-win demand side measures, in the form of energy efficiency and household consumption pattern changes, are seen as ways for households and businesses to save money and the environment. However, these savings have environmental impacts when spent, which are known as rebound effects. This is an area that has been widely neglected by policy makers. This work extends the rebound effect literature in three important ways, (1) it incorporates the potential for variation of rebound effects with household income level, (2) it enables the isolation of direct and indirect effects for cases of energy efficient technology adoption, and examines the relationship between these two component effects, and (3) it expands the scope of rebound effect analysis to include government taxes and subsidies. MACROBUTTON HTMLDirect Using a case study approach it is found that the rebound effect from household consumption pattern changes targeted at electricity is between 5 and 10%. For consumption pattern changes with reduced vehicle fuel use, the rebound effect is in the order of 20 to 30%. Higher income households in general are found to have a lower total rebound effect; however the indirect effect becomes relatively more significant at higher household income levels. In the win-lose case of domestic photovoltaic electricity generation, it is demonstrated that negative rebound effects can occur, which can potentially amplify the environmental benefits of this action. The rebound effect from a carbon tax, which occurs due to the re-spending of raised revenues, was found to be in the range of 11-32%. Taxes and transfers between households of different income levels also have environmental implications. For example, a more progressive tax structure, with increased low income welfare payments is likely to increase greenhouse gas emissions. Subsidies aimed at encouraging environmentally friendly consumption habits are also subject to rebound effects, as they constitute a substitution of government expenditure for household expenditure. For policy makers, these findings point to the need to incorporate rebound effects in the environmental policy evaluation process.’
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A plethora of literature exists on irrigation development. However, only a few studies analyse the distributional issues associated with irrigation induced technological changes (IITC) in the context of commodity markets. Furthermore, these studies deal with only the theoretical arguments and to date no proper investigation has been conducted to examine the long-term benefits of adopting modern irrigation technology. This study investigates the long-term benefit changes of irrigation induced technological changes using data from Sri Lanka with reference to rice farming. The results show that (1) adopting modern technology on irrigation increases the overall social welfare through consumption of a larger quantity at a lower cost (2) the magnitude, sensitivity and distributional gains depend on the price elasticity of demand and supply as well as the size of the marketable surplus (3) non-farm sector gains are larger than farm sector gains (4) the distribution of the benefits among different types of producers depend on the magnitude of the expansion of the irrigated areas as well as the competition faced by traditional farmers (5) selective technological adoption and subsidies have a detrimental effect on the welfare of other producers who do not enjoy the same benefits (6) the short-term distributional effects are more severe than the long-term effects among different groups of farmers.
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All Australian governments recognize the need to ensure that land and natural resources are used sustainably. In this context, ‘resources’ includes natural resources found on land such as trees and other vegetation, fauna, soil and minerals, and cultural resources found on land such as archaeological sites and artefacts. Regulators use a wide range of techniques to promote sustainability. To achieve their objectives, they may, for example, create economic incentives through bounties, grants and subsidies, encourage the development of self-regulatory codes, or enter into agreements with landowners specifying how the land is to be managed. A common way of regulating is by making administrative orders, determinations or decisions under powers given to regulators by Acts of Parliament (statutes) or by regulations (delegated legislation). Generally the legislation provides for specified rights or duties, and authorises a regulator to make an order or decision to apply the legislative provisions to particular land or cases. For example, legislation might empower a regulator to make an order that requires the owner of a contaminated site to remediate it. When the regulator exercises the power by making an order in relation to particular land, the owner is placed under a statutory duty to remediate. When regulators exercise their statutory powers to manage the use of private land or natural or cultural resources on private land, property law issues can arise. The owner of land has a private property right that the law will enforce against anybody else who interferes with the enjoyment of the right, without legal authority to do so. The law dealing with the enforcement of private property rights forms part of private law. This report focuses on the relationship between the law of private property and the regulation of land and resources by legislation and by administrative decisions made under powers given by legislation (statutory powers).
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Public economics covers both topics in welfare economic of social (as opposed to private) interest and aspects of public finance. This chapter considers the application of two methods of social economic evaluation of tourist developments, namely, social cost-benefit analysis and economic impact analysis. The role of social cost-benefit analysis in the assessment of tourism is illustrated by its application to the evaluation of inbound tourism. This is followed by a discussion of taxes on tourism and subsidies to promote it. The principle focus is on hotel room taxes. The analysis of taxes on tourism involves both public finance and welfare economics issues. The scope for and desirability of applying the user-pays principle to tourism is then examined.
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Background and context Since the economic reforms of 1978, China has been acclaimed as a remarkable economy, achieving 9% annual growth per head for more than 25 years. However, China's health sector has not fared well. The population health gains slowed down and health disparities increased. In the field of health and health care, significant progress in maternal care has been achieved. However, there still remain important disparities between the urban and rural areas and among the rural areas in terms of economic development. The excess female infant deaths and the rapidly increasing sex ratio at birth in the last decade aroused serious concerns among policy makers and scholars. Decentralization of the government administration and health sector reform impacts maternal care. Many studies using census data have been conducted to explore the determinants of a high sex ratio at birth, but no agreement has been so far reached on the possible contributing factors. No study using family planning system data has been conducted to explore perinatal mortality and sex ratio at birth and only few studies have examined the impact of the decentralization of government and health sector reforms on the provision and organization of maternal care in rural China. Objectives The general objective of this study was to investigate the state of perinatal health and maternal care and their determinants in rural China under the historic context of major socioeconomic reforms and the one child family planning policy. The specific objectives of the study included: 1) to study pregnancy outcomes and perinatal health and their correlates in a rural Chinese county; 2) to examine the issue of sex ratio at birth and its determinants in a rural Chinese county; 3) to explore the patterns of provision, utilization, and content of maternal care in a rural Chinese county; 4) to investigate the changes in the use of maternal care in China from 1991 to 2003. Materials and Methods This study is based on a project for evaluating the prenatal care programme in Dingyuan county in 1999-2003, Anhui province, China and a nationwide household health survey to describe the changes in maternal care utilization. The approaches used included a retrospective cohort study, cross sectional interview surveys, informant interviews, observations and the use of statistical data. The data sources included the following: 1) A cohort of pregnant women followed from pregnancy up to 7 days after birth in 20 townships in the study county, collecting information on pregnancy outcomes using family planning records; 2) A questionnaire interview survey given to women who gave birth between 2001 and 2003; 3) Various statistical and informant surveys data collected from the study county; 4) Three national household health interview survey data sets (1993-2003) were utilized, and reanalyzed to described the changes in maternity care utilization. Relative risks (RR) and their confidence intervals (CI) were calculated for comparison between parity, approval status, infant sex and township groups. The chi-square test was used to analyse the disparity of use of maternal care between and within urban and rural areas and its trend across the years in China. Logistic regression was used to analyse the factors associated with hospital delivery in rural areas. Results There were 3697 pregnancies in the study cohort, resulting in 3092 live births in a total population of 299463 in the 20 study townships during 1999-2000. The average age at pregnancy in the cohort was 25.9 years. Of the women, 61% were childless, 38% already had one child and 0.3% had two children before the current pregnancy. About 90% of approved pregnancies ended in a live birth while 73% of the unapproved ones were aborted. The perinatal mortality rate was 69 per thousand births. If the 30 induced abortions in which the gestational age was more than 28 weeks had been counted as perinatal deaths, the perinatal mortality rate would have been as high as 78 per thousand. The perinatal mortality rate was negatively associated with the wealth of the township. Approximately two thirds of the perinatal deaths occurred in the early neonatal period. Both the still birth rate and the early neonatal death rate increased with parity. The risk of a stillbirth in a second pregnancy was almost four times that for a first pregnancy, while the risk of early neonatal deaths doubled. The early neonatal mortality rate was twice as high for female as for male infants. The sex difference in the early neonatal mortality rate was mainly attributable to mortality in second births. The male early neonatal mortality rate was not affected by parity, while the female early neonatal mortality rate increased dramatically with parity: it was about six times higher for second births than for first births. About 82% early neonatal deaths happened within 24 hours after birth, and during that time, girls were almost three times more likely to die than boys. The death rate of females on the day of birth increased much more sharply with parity than that of males. The total sex ratio at birth of 3697 registered pregnancies was 152 males to 100 females, with 118 and 287 in first and second pregnancies, respectively. Among unapproved pregnancies, there were almost 5 live-born boys for each girl. Most prenatal and delivery care was to be taken care of in township hospitals. At the village level, there were small private clinics. There was no limitation period for the provision of prenatal and postnatal care by private practitioners. They were not permitted to provide delivery care by the county health bureau, but as some 12% of all births occurred either at home or at private clinics; some village health workers might have been involved. The county level hospitals served as the referral centers for the township hospitals in the county. However, there was no formal regulation or guideline on how the referral system should work. Whether or not a woman was referred to a higher level hospital depended on the individual midwife's professional judgment and on the clients' compliance. The county health bureau had little power over township hospitals, because township hospitals had in the decentralization process become directly accountable to the township government. In the township and county hospitals only 10-20% of the recurrent costs were funded by local government (the township hospital was funded by the township government and the county hospital was funded by the county government) and the hospitals collected user fees to balance their budgets. Also the staff salaries depended on fee incomes by the hospital. The hospitals could define the user charges themselves. Prenatal care consultations were however free in most township hospitals. None of the midwives made postnatal home visits, because of low profit of these services. The three national household health survey data showed that the proportion of women receiving their first prenatal visit within 12 weeks increased greatly from the early to middle 1990s in all areas except for large cities. The increase was much larger in the rural areas, reducing the urban-rural difference from more than 4 times to about 1.4 times. The proportion of women that received antenatal care visits meeting the Ministry of Health s standard (at least 5 times) in the rural areas increased sharply from 12% in 1991-1993 to 36% in 2001-2003. In rural areas, the proportion increase was much faster in less developed areas than in developed areas. The hospital delivery rate increased slightly from 90% to 94% in urban areas while the proportion increased from 27% to 69% in rural areas. The fastest change was found to be in type 4 rural areas, where the utilization even quadrupled. The overall difference between rural and urban areas was substantially narrowed over the period. Multiple logistic regression analysis shows that time periods, residency in rural or urban areas, income levels, age group, education levels, delivery history, occupation, health insurance and distance from the nearest health care facilities were significantly associated with hospital delivery rates. Conclusions 1. Perinatal mortality in this study was much higher than that for urban areas as well as any reported rate from specific studies in rural areas of China. Previous studies in which calculations of infant mortality were not based on epidemiological surveys have been shown to underestimate the rates by more than 50%. 2. Routine statistics collected by the Chinese family planning system proved to be a reliable data source for studying perinatal health, including still births, neonatal deaths, sex ratio at birth and among newborns. National Household Health Survey data proved to be a useful and reliable data source for studying population health and health services. Prior to this research there were few studies in these areas available to international audiences. 3.Though perinatal mortality rate was negatively associated with the level of township economic development, the excess female early neonatal mortality rate contributed much more to high perinatal mortality rate than economic factors. This was likely a result of the role of the family planning policy and the traditional preferences for sons, which leads to lethal neglect of female newborns and high perinatal mortality. 4. The selective abortions of female foetuses were likely to contribute most to the high sex ratio at birth. The underreporting of female births seemed to have played a secondary role. The higher early neonatal mortality rate in second-born as compared to first-born children, particularly in females, may indicate that neglect or poorer care of female newborn infants also contributes to the high sex ratio at birth or among newborns. Existing family planning policy proved not to effectively control the steadily increased birth sex ratio. 5. The rural-urban gap in service utilization was on average significantly narrowed in terms of maternal healthcare in China from 1991 to 2003. This demonstrates that significant achievements in reducing inequities can be made through a combination of socio-economic development and targeted investments in improving health services, including infrastructure, staff capacities, and subsidies to reduce the costs of service utilization for the poorest. However, the huge gap which persisted among cities of different size and within different types of rural areas indicated the need for further efforts to support the poorest areas. 6. Hospital delivery care in the study county was better accepted by women because most of women think delivery care was very important while prenatal and postnatal care were not. Hospital delivery care was more systematically provided and promoted than prenatal and postnatal care by township hospital in the study area. The reliance of hospital staff income on user fees gave the hospitals an incentive to put more emphasis on revenue generating activities such as delivery care instead of prenatal and postnatal care, since delivery care generated much profits than prenatal and postnatal care . Recommendations 1. It is essential for the central government to re-assess and modify existing family planning policies. In order to keep national sex balance, the existing practice of one couple one child in urban areas and at-least-one-son a couple in rural areas should be gradually changed to a two-children-a-couple policy throughout the country. The government should establish a favourable social security policy for couples, especially for rural couples who have only daughters, with particular emphasis on their pension and medical care insurance, combined with an educational campaign for equal rights for boys and girls in society. 2. There is currently no routine vital-statistics registration system in rural China. Using the findings of this study, the central government could set up a routine vital-statistics registration system using family planning routine work records, which could be used by policy makers and researchers. 3. It is possible for the central and provincial government to invest more in the less developed and poor rural areas to increase the access of pregnant women in these areas to maternal care services. Central government together with local government should gradually provide free maternal care including prenatal and postnatal as well as delivery care to the women in poor and less developed rural areas. 4. Future research could be done to explore if county and the township level health care sector and the family planning system could be merged to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of maternal and child care. 5. Future research could be done to explore the relative contribution of maternal care, economic development and family planning policy on perinatal and child health using prospective cohort studies and community based randomized trials. Key words: perinatal health, perinatal mortality, stillbirth, neonatal death, sex selective abortion, sex ratio at birth, family planning, son preference, maternal care, prenatal care, postnatal care, equity, China
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This paper presents a design science approach to solving persistent problems in the international shipping eco system by creating the missing common information infrastructures. Specifically, this paper reports on an ongoing dialogue between stakeholders in the shipping industry and information systems researchers engaged in the design and development of a prototype for an innovative IT-artifact called Shipping Information Pipeline which is a kind of “an internet” for shipping information. The instrumental aim is to enable information seamlessly to cross the organizational boundaries and national borders within international shipping which is a rather complex domain. The intellectual objective is to generate and evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness of design principles for inter-organizational information infrastructures in the international shipping domain that can have positive impacts on global trade and local economies.
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Creating an innovative tool that takes advantage of digital interconnectivity between shipping agencies and husbandry services suppliers was the starting point. But the main purpose of this paper is to figure out if that represents a business opportunity. It describes the preliminary stages undertaken, as the connections with the main potential providers of the husbandry services. This was carried out as a qualitative research, based on interviews given by shipping agencies that contributed as a source of data about their activities but also to survey their acceptance of the concept that could change the way of doing business in this area.At the same time, inquiries have been made to build financial scenarios that show the costs and revenue streams allocated to this project. Considering the data collected from the main players in husbandry services and the different outcomes, the feasibility of this project is assessed. Even though the paradigm was well received by all the firms contacted, the development costs turn out to be the main threat to the project so further steps are advised.
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The aim of this MA thesis is to demonstrate how corporate concentration within the global music industry specifically affects the Canadian music industry's ability to compete for its own national audience as well as audiences worldwide. Federal public policies, regulatory regimes and subsidies are considered within the context of the structure of the global marketplace which is, in effect, an oligopoly controlled by four major corporations. Through an extensive literature review of political economy theory, Canadian public policies and music studies, as well as personal interviews conducted with Canadian musicians, entrepreneurs and public servants, I will situate my research within the body of political economy theory; present a detailed report of the structure of the global music industry; address the key players within the industry; describe the relationship between the major corporations and the independent companies operating in the industry; discuss how new technologies affect said relationships; consider the effectiveness of Canadian public policies in safeguarding the national music industry; and recommend steps that can be taken to remedy the shortcomings of Federal policies and regulatory regimes.
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In March 1931, Captain Bruce Angus was sent to Sarnia by Gordon C. Leitch, general manager of Toronto Elevators. He was sent to inspect the Sarnian to ensure it was still seaworthy. Leitch was a savvy business man, who had been active in the business community for a number of years. Leitch began his career with a partner in the lumber business. When that went under he moved into graineries and worked for the Winnipeg Wheat Pool for 12 years. After Winnipeg he moved to Toronto, which was closer to his home town of Ridgetown, Ontario. In Toronto Leitch became manager of the Toronto branch of the Canadian Wheat Pool. While managing the wheat pools in Toronto Leitch became aware of huge costs associated with shipping the grains from the praries into the Toronto area. He felt that there was no need for such costs and decided to do something to make them better and cheaper for the business. Originally the grain was loaded onto Lakers that would bring the grain from the praries to Lake Huron and Georgian Bay. It was stored there until needed by the Toronto graineries and then hauled across land by either truck or train. The land journey was the most expensive and the one which Leitch wanted to eliminate. This was a fine plan except for 2 obstacles that were quickly overcome. First of all the Welland canals were not large enough to accommodate the large carriers that were bringing in the grain. This was changing as the expansion and widening of the canals was already underway. The second issue was the lack of storage in Toronto for the grain. The grain elevators had been destroyed by fire in the late 1880s and never replaced. Leitch propsed his company built its own storage elevators along the water front to allow not only for easier access to the grain, and more timely production of products. The elevators would aslo create a reduction in shipping costs and an overall more competitoive price for the customers of the grainery. The company refused, so Leitch went elsewhere to friends and contacts within the grain industry. The elevators were built and Leitch quit his job with the Canadian Wheat Pool and became the general manager of the elevators. Although the elevators were built and ready for storage the next issue was filling them. None of the carriers wanted to do business with Leitch because the competition in Georgian Bay threatened to cancel their contracts if they did. Leitch saw no way around this, but to provide his own transportation. This is when he sent Captain Bruce Angus to scout out potential ships. The ship was purchased for $37,000 and after another $30,000 was spent to fix it up, it was ready for business. The need for transportation and the finding of a seaworthy ship, lead to the beginnings of the Northland Steamship Company. The Sarnian proved to not be enough for the business underway. Leitch decided another ship was necessary. He joined forces with James Norris the owner of the Norris Grain Company. He proposed they join forces to create a more economical means of transportating their products.
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Toujours en évolution le droit maritime est constamment en train de se moderniser. Depuis ses débuts Ie droit maritime essaie de s'adapter aux réalités de son temps. Le changement fut lent et difficile à atteindre. Au départ la pratique voulait qu'un transporteur maritime puisse échapper à presque toute responsabilité. L'application des coutumes du domaine et du droit contractuel avait laissé place aux abus et aux inégalités de pouvoir entre transporteurs maritimes et chargeurs/propriétaires de marchandises. La venue du vingtième siècle changea tout. L'adoption des Règles de la Haye, Haye / Nisby et Hambourg a transforme Ie système de transport de marchandise par mer tel qu'on Ie connaissait jusqu'à date. Ainsi une évolution graduelle marqua l'industrie maritime, parallèlement Ie droit maritime se développa considérablement avec une participation judiciaire plus active. De nos jours, les transporteurs maritimes sont plus responsables, or cela n'empêche pas qu'ils ne sont pas toujours capables de livrer leurs cargaisons en bonne condition. Chaque fois qu'un bateau quitte Ie port lui et sa cargaison sont en danger. De par ce fait, des biens sont perdus ou endommages en cours de route sous la responsabilité du transporteur. Malgré les changements et l'évolution dans les opérations marines et l'administration du domaine la réalité demeure telle que Ie transport de marchandise par mer n' est pas garanti it. cent pour cent. Dans les premiers temps, un transporteur maritime encourait toutes sortes de périls durant son voyage. Conséquemment les marchandises étaient exposées aux pertes et dangers en cours de route. Chaque année un grand nombre de navires sont perdu en mer et avec eux la cargaison qu'ils transportent. Toute la modernisation au monde ne peut éliminer les hauts risques auxquels sont exposes les transporteurs et leurs marchandises. Vers la fin des années soixante-dix avec la venue de la convention de Hambourg on pouvait encore constater que Ie nombre de navires qui sont perdus en mer était en croissance. Ainsi même en temps moderne on n'échappe pas aux problèmes du passe. "En moyenne chaque jour un navire de plus de 100 tonneaux se perd corps et biens (ceci veut dire: navire et cargaison) et Ie chiffre croit: 473 en 1978. Aces sinistres majeurs viennent s'ajouter les multiples avaries dues au mauvais temps et les pertes pour de multiples raisons (marquage insuffisant, erreurs de destination...). Ces périls expliquent : (1) le système de responsabilité des transporteurs ; (2) la limitation de responsabilité des propriétaires de navires; ... " L'historique légal du système de responsabilité et d'indemnité des armateurs démontre la difficulté encourue par les cours en essayant d'atteindre un consensus et uniformité en traitant ses notions. Pour mieux comprendre les différentes facettes du commerce maritime il faut avoir une compréhension du rôle des armateurs dans ce domaine. Les armateurs représentent Ie moyen par lequel le transport de marchandises par mer est possible. Leur rôle est d'une importance centrale. Par conséquent, le droit maritime se retrouve face à des questions complexes de responsabilités et d'indemnités. En particulier, la validité de l'insertion de clauses d'exonérations par les transporteurs pour se libérer d'une partie ou de toutes leurs responsabilités. A travers les années cette pratique a atteint un tel point d'injustice et de flagrant abus qu'il n'est plus possible d'ignorer Ie problème. L'industrie en crise se trouve obliger d'affronter ces questions et promouvoir Ie changement. En droit commun, l'armateur pouvait modifier son obligation prima facie autant qu'il le voulait. Au cours des ans, ces clauses d'exception augmentaient en nombre et en complexité au point qu'il devenait difficile de percevoir quel droit on pouvait avoir contre Ie transporteur. Les propriétaires de marchandise, exportateurs et importateurs de marchandises i.e. chargeurs, transporteurs, juristes et auteurs sont d'avis qu'il faut trouver une solution relative aux questions des clauses d'exonérations insérées dans les contrats de transport sous connaissement. Plus précisément ces clauses qui favorisent beaucoup plus les armateurs que les chargeurs. De plus, depuis longtemps la notion du fardeau de preuve était obscure. Il était primordial pour les pays de chargeurs d'atteindre une solution concernant cette question, citant qu'en pratique un fardeau très lourd leur était impose. Leur désir était de trouver une solution juste et équitable pour toutes les parties concernées, et non une solution favorisant les intérêts d’un coté seulement. Le transport par mer étant en grande partie international il était évident qu'une solution viable ne pouvait être laissée aux mains d'un pays. La solution idéale devait inclure toutes les parties concernées. Malgré le désir de trouver une solution globale, le consensus général fut long à atteindre. Le besoin urgent d'uniformité entre les pays donna naissance à plusieurs essais au niveau prive, national et international. Au cours des ans, on tint un grand nombre de conférences traitant des questions de responsabilités et d'indemnités des transporteurs maritimes. Aucun succès n'est atteint dans la poursuite de l'uniformité. Conséquemment, en 1893 les États Unis prennent la situation en mains pour régler le problème et adopte une loi nationale. Ainsi: «Les réactions sont venues des États Unis, pays de chargeurs qui supportent mal un système qui les désavantage au profit des armateurs traditionnels, anglais, norvégiens, grecs... Le Harter Act de 1893 établit un système transactionnel, mais impératif... »2 On constate qu'aux États Unis la question des clauses d'exonérations était enfin régie et par conséquent en grande partie leur application limitée. L'application du Harter Act n'étant pas au niveau international son degré de succès avait des limites. Sur Ie plan international la situation demeure la même et Ie besoin de trouver une solution acceptable pour tous persiste. Au début du vingtième siècle, I'utilisation des contrats de transport sous connaissement pour Ie transport de marchandise par mer est pratique courante. Au coeur du problème les contrats de transport sous connaissement dans lesquels les armateurs insèrent toutes sortes de clauses d'exonérations controversées. II devient évident qu'une solution au problème des clauses d'exonérations abusives tourne autour d'une règlementation de l'utilisation des contrats de transport sous connaissement. Ainsi, tout compromis qu'on peut envisager doit nécessairement régir la pratique des armateurs dans leurs utilisations des contrats de transport sous connaissement. Les années antérieures et postérieures à la première guerre mondiale furent marquées par I'utilisation croissante et injuste des contrats de transport sous connaissement. Le besoin de standardiser la pratique devenait alors pressant et les pays chargeurs s'impatientaient et réclamaient l'adoption d'une législation semblable au Harter Act des États Unis. Une chose était certaine, tous les intérêts en cause aspiraient au même objectif, atteindre une acceptation, certitude et unanimité dans les pratiques courantes et légales. Les Règles de la Haye furent la solution tant recherchée. Ils représentaient un nouveau régime pour gouverner les obligations et responsabilités des transporteurs. Leur but était de promouvoir un système bien balance entre les parties en cause. De plus elles visaient à partager équitablement la responsabilité entre transporteurs et chargeurs pour toute perte ou dommage causes aux biens transportes. Par conséquent, l'applicabilité des Règles de la Haye était limitée aux contrats de transport sous connaissement. Avec le temps on a reconnu aux Règles un caractère international et on a accepte leur place centrale sur Ie plan global en tant que base des relations entre chargeurs et transporteurs. Au départ, la réception du nouveau régime ne fut pas chaleureuse. La convention de la Haye de 1924 fut ainsi sujette à une opposition massive de la part des transporteurs maritimes, qui refusaient l'imposition d'un compromis affectant l'utilisation des clauses d'exonérations. Finalement Ie besoin d'uniformité sur Ie plan international stimula son adoption en grand nombre. Les règles de la Haye furent pour leur temps une vraie innovation une catalyse pour les reformes futures et un modèle de réussite globale. Pour la première fois dans 1'histoire du droit maritime une convention internationale régira et limitera les pratiques abusives des transporteurs maritimes. Les règles ne laissent pas place aux incertitudes ils stipulent clairement que les clauses d'exonération contraire aux règles de la Haye seront nulles et sans valeur. De plus les règles énoncent sans équivoque les droits, obligations et responsabilités des transporteurs. Néanmoins, Ie commerce maritime suivant son cours est marque par le modernisme de son temps. La pratique courante exige des reformes pour s'adapter aux changements de l'industrie mettant ainsi fin à la période d'harmonisation. Les règles de la Haye sous leur forme originale ne répondent plus aux besoins de l'industrie maritime. Par conséquent à la fin des années soixante on adopte les Règles de Visby. Malgré leur succès les règles n'ont pu échapper aux nombreuses critiques exprimant l'opinion, qu'elles étaient plutôt favorables aux intérêts des transporteurs et au détriment des chargeurs. Répondant aux pressions montantes on amende les Règles de la Haye, et Ie 23 février 1968 elles sont modifiées par Ie protocole de Visby. Essayant de complaire à l'insatisfaction des pays chargeurs, l'adoption des Règles de Visby est loin d'être une réussite. Leur adoption ne remplace pas le régime de la Haye mais simplement met en place un supplément pour combler les lacunes du système existant. Les changements qu'on retrouve dans Visby n'étant pas d'une grande envergure, la reforme fut critiquée par tous. Donnant naissance à des nouveaux débats et enfin à une nouvelle convention. Visby étant un échec, en 1978 la réponse arrive avec l'instauration d'un nouveau régime, différent de son prédécesseur (Hay/Haye-Visby). Les Règles de XI Hambourg sont Ie résultat de beaucoup d'efforts sur Ie plan international. Sous une pression croissante des pays chargeurs et plus particulièrement des pays en voie de développement la venue d'un nouveau régime était inévitables. Le bon fonctionnement de l'industrie et la satisfaction de toutes les parties intéressées nécessitaient un compromis qui répond aux intérêts de tous. Avec l'aide des Nations Unis et la participation de toutes les parties concernées les Règles de Hambourg furent adoptées. Accepter ce nouveau régime impliqua le début d'un nouveau système et la fin d'une époque centrée autour des règles de la Haye. II n'y a aucun doute que les nouvelles règles coupent les liens avec Ie passe et changent Ie système de responsabilité qui gouverne les transporteurs maritimes. L'article 4(2) de la Haye et sa liste d'exception est éliminé. Un demi-siècle de pratique est mis de coté, on tourne la page sur les expériences du passe et on se tourne vers une nouvelle future. Il est clair que les deux systèmes régissant Ie droit maritime visent Ie même but, une conformité internationale. Cette thèse traitera la notion de responsabilité, obligation et indemnisation des transporteurs maritimes sous les règles de la Haye et Hambourg. En particulier les difficultés face aux questions d'exonérations et d'indemnités. Chaque régime a une approche distincte pour résoudre les questions et les inquiétudes du domaine. D’un coté, la thèse démontrera les différentes facettes de chaque système, par la suite on mettra l'accent sur les points faibles et les points forts de chaque régime. Chaque pays fait face au dilemme de savoir quel régime devrait gouverner son transport maritime. La question primordiale est de savoir comment briser les liens du passe et laisser les Règles de la Haye dans leur place, comme prédécesseur et modèle pour Ie nouveau système. Il est sûr qu'un grand nombre de pays ne veulent pas se départir des règles de la Haye et continuent de les appliquer. Un grand nombre d'auteurs expriment leurs désaccords et indiquent qu'il serait regrettable de tourner le dos à tant d'années de travail. Pour se départir des Règles de la Haye, il serait une erreur ainsi qu'une perte de temps et d'argent. Pendant plus de 50 ans les cours à travers Ie monde ont réussi à instaurer une certaine certitude et harmonisation sur Ie plan juridique. Tout changer maintenant ne semble pas logique. Tout de même l'évident ne peut être ignorer, les Règles de la Haye ne répondent plus aux besoins du domaine maritime moderne. Les questions de responsabilité, immunité, fardeau de preuve et conflit juridictionnel demeurent floues. La législation internationale nécessite des reformes qui vont avec les changements qui marque l'évolution du domaine. Les précurseurs du changement décrivent les Règles de la Haye comme archaïques, injustes et non conforme au progrès. Elles sont connues comme Ie produit des pays industrialises sans l'accord ou la participation des pays chargeurs ou en voie de développement. Ainsi I'adoption des Règles de Hambourg signifie Ie remplacement du système précédent et non pas sa reforme. L'article 5(1) du nouveau système décrit un régime de responsabilité base sur la présomption de faute sans recours à une liste d'exonération, de plus les nouvelles règles étendent la période de responsabilité du transporteur. Les Règles de Hambourg ne sont peut être pas la solution idéale mais pour la première fois elle représente les intérêts de toutes les parties concernées et mieux encore un compromis accepte par tous. Cela dit, il est vrai que Ie futur prochain demeure incertain. II est clair que la plupart des pays ne sont pas presses de joindre ce nouveau régime aussi merveilleux soit-il. Le débat demeure ouvert Ie verdict délibère encore. Une chose demeure sure, l'analyse détaillée du fonctionnement de Hambourg avec ses défauts et mérites est loin d'être achevée. Seulement avec Ie recul on peut chanter les louanges, la réussite ou I'insuccès d'un nouveau système. Par conséquent, Ie nombre restreint des parties y adhérents rend l'analyse difficile et seulement théorique. Néanmoins il y'a de l'espoir qu'avec Ie temps l'objectif recherche sera atteint et qu'un commerce maritime régi par des règles et coutumes uniformes it. travers Ie globe sera pratique courante. Entre temps la réalité du domaine nous expose it. un monde divise et régi par deux systèmes.
Resumo:
The present study is on the nature, problems and prospects of the handloom industry in Kerala. The problems of the industry are mostly in the nature of low earnings of the workers, underutilisation of the existing capacity and low profit in its various sectors. The majority of the handloom co-operative societies are either dormant or facing liquidation. The income and employment of weavers are so pitiably low that they are living in utter poverty and starvation. Frequent price fluctuations of yarns, dyes and chemicals increase the cost of production and reduce the profitability. Consequently handloom fabrics are not able to compete with mill cloths and powerloom products. Accumulating the unsold stocks in the godowns of co-operative societies and with master weavers has become the practice of the day. Spinning mills in Kerala are producing only lower counts of yarns. S, handloom industry has to depend on textile mills in Tamil Nadu for higher counts of yarn. They create artificial scarcity and increase the prices exflorbitantly. Wage rates prevailing in Kerala are higher than those in Tamil Hadu. So rich master weavers are migrating to Tamil.Nadu and exporting the fabrics. under the label 'Kera1a Handlooms'. Governmental efforts to tackle the crisis by way of rebates and subsidies are found to be futile.