Ewolucja zagrożenia dżihadystycznego w Europie

W niniejszej publikacji skupiono się na przedstawieniu źródeł i najważniejszych przejawów radykalizmu islamskiego w Europie. Zwrócono w szczególności uwagę na historyczne i ideologiczne determinanty rozwoju tego zjawiska. Wskazano najważniejsze etapy ewolucji zagrożenia dżihadystycznego oraz aktorów mających wpływ na jego ewolucję. Uwzględniając powyższe przesłanki w artykule zawarto ponadto najważniejsze wnioski dotyczące wzrastającego poziomu powyższego zagrożenia dla wybranych państw europejskich, w okresie ostatnich kilkunastu lat wraz ze wskazaniem zmiennych wpływających na ów poziom w postaci: procesu radykalizacji społeczności muzułmańskich w Europie, zmian w taktyce i organizacji grup dżihadystycznych, sukcesu akcji rekrutacyjnych i antyterrorystycznej aktywności państw Zachodu.

Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990

This study, "Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990," offers a new perspective on the historical origins of the modern prison industrial complex, sexual violence in working-class culture, and the ways in which race shaped the prison experience. This study joins new scholarship that reperiodizes the Civil Rights era while also considering how violence and radicalism shaped the civil rights struggle. It places the criminal justice system at the heart of both an older racial order and within a prison-made civil rights movement that confronted the prison's power to deny citizenship and enforce racial hierarchies. By charting the trajectory of the civil rights movement in Texas prisons, my dissertation demonstrates how the internal struggle over rehabilitation and punishment shaped civil rights, racial formation, and the political contest between liberalism and conservatism. This dissertation offers a close case study of Texas, where the state prison system emerged as a national model for penal management. The dissertation begins with a hopeful story of reform marked by an apparently successful effort by the State of Texas to replace its notorious 1940s plantation/prison farm system with an efficient, business-oriented agricultural enterprise system. When this new system was fully operational in the 1960s, Texas garnered plaudits as a pioneering, modern, efficient, and business oriented Sun Belt state. But this reputation of competence and efficiency obfuscated the reality of a brutal system of internal prison management in which inmates acted as guards, employing coercive means to maintain control over the prisoner population. The inmates whom the prison system placed in charge also ran an internal prison economy in which money, food, human beings, reputations, favors, and sex all became commodities to be bought and sold. I analyze both how the Texas prison system managed to maintain its high external reputation for so long in the face of the internal reality and how that reputation collapsed when inmates, inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, revolted. My dissertation shows that this inmate Civil Rights rebellion was a success in forcing an end to the existing system but a failure in its attempts to make conditions in Texas prisons more humane. The new Texas prison regime, I conclude, utilized paramilitary practices, privatized prisons, and gang-related warfare to establish a new system that focused much more on law and order in the prisons than on the legal and human rights of prisoners. Placing the inmates and their struggle at the heart of the national debate over rights and "law and order" politics reveals an inter-racial social justice movement that asked the courts to reconsider how the state punished those who committed a crime while also reminding the public of the inmates' humanity and their constitutional rights.

Alasdair MacIntyre and the Hope for a Politics of Virtuous Interdependence

Rebellion, philosophic and political, impels the work of Alasdair MacIntyre. Neither of the left nor the right, he treads a borderline path between conservatism and radicalism in holding to a socialist Thomistic Aristotelianism underpinned by a deliberative ‘ethic of care’ that is implacably opposed to modernity and the advanced capitalist nation-state. The depth of this opposition arouses strong opinions in friend and foe alike. To some he is an eminently dispensable reactionary whose sole consistent feature is an inexplicable ‘hatred of liberal individualism’ (Lessnoff 1999: 4). To others he appears a revolutionary enunciating a departure capable of legitimating the activities of ordinary persons so ‘that previously isolated struggles might be transformed into a new class war of attrition’ (Knight 1996: 896). However, neither interpretation rings true. MacIntyre does develop a cogent critique of the present, but this critique points in directions towards which no politics could hope to move.

Covenanter Politics: Evangelicalism, Political Liberalism and Ulster Presbyterians, 1798-1914

Historians of Ireland have devoted considerable attention to the Presbyterian origins of modern Irish republicanism in the 1790s and their overwhelming support for the Union with Great Britain in the 1880s. On the one hand, it has been argued that conservative politics came to dominate nineteenth-century Presbyterianism in the form of Henry Cooke who combined conservative evangelical religion with support for the established order. On the other hand, historians have long acknowledged the continued importance of liberal and radical impulses amongst Presbyterians. Few historians of the nineteenth century have attempted to bring these two stories together and to describe the relationship between the religion and politics of Presbyterians along the lines suggested by scholars of Presbyterian radicalism in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This article argues that a distinctive form of Presbyterian evangelicalism developed in the nineteenth century that sought to bring the denomination back to the theological and spiritual priorities of seventeenth-century Scottish and Irish Presbyterianism. By doing so, it encouraged many Presbyterians to get involved in movements for reform and liberal politics. Supporters of ‘Covenanter Politics’ utilised their denominational principles and traditions as the basis for political involvement and as a rhetoric of opposition to Anglican privilege and Catholic tyranny. These could be the prime cause of Presbyterian opposition to the infringement of their rights, such as the marriage controversy and the Disruption of the Church of Scotland in the early 1840s, and they could also be employed as a language of opposition in response to broader social and political developments, such as the demands for land reform stimulated by the agricultural depression that accompanied the Famine. Despite their opposition to ascendancy, however, the Covenanter Politics of Presbyterian Liberals predisposed them towards pan-protestant unionism against the threat of ‘Rome Rule’.

"Angels and Demons in Cromwellian and Restoration Ireland: Heresy and the Supernatural"

This essay explores accounts of supernatural activity in Cromwellian and Restoration Ireland. Religious life in Cromwellian Ireland was driven by expectations of the unusual—including audible voices from heaven, material encounters with angels, and spiritual encounters with demons. Some conservative Protestants linked this activity to the development and dissemination of heretical belief, while some who had such encounters were confident that it was compatible with the Cromwellian religious mainstream. Crawford Gribben explores the flexibility in the discourse of the marvelous in Ireland and the ways in which the administration contributed to it, and the alignment of the supernatural with various confessional convictions and postures, as well as theological radicalism. After the Restoration, accounts of supernatural encounters were remembered as ghost stories, not as matters for theological debate, a cultural transition linked to the development of a historiography that has continued to invest the Irish Cromwellian past with Gothic tropes.

The Muslim Brotherhood: the Arab Spring its Future Face

The Muslim Brotherhood is the most significant and enduring Sunni Islamist organization of the contemporary era. Its roots lie in the Middle East but it has grown into both a local and global movement, with its well-placed branches reacting effectively to take the opportunities for power and electoral competition offered by the Arab Spring.

Regarded by some as a force of moderation among Islamists, and by others as a façade hiding a terrorist fundamentalist threat, the potential influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on Middle Eastern politics remains ambiguous.The Muslim Brotherhood: The Arab Spring and its Future Face provides an essential insight into the organisation, with chapters devoted to specific cases where the Brotherhood has important impacts on society, the state and politics. Key themes associated with the Brotherhood, such as democracy, equality, pan-Islamism, radicalism, reform, the Palestine issue and gender, are assessed to reveal an evolutionary trend within the movement since its founding in Egypt in 1928 to its manifestation as the largest Sunni Islamist movement in the Middle East in the 21st century. The book addresses the possible future of the Muslim Brotherhood; whether it can surprise sceptics and effectively accommodate democracy and secular trends, and how its ascension to power through the ballot box might influence Western policy debates on their engagement with this manifestation of political Islam.

Drawing on a wide range of sources, this book presents a comprehensive study of a newly resurgent movement and is a valuable resource for students, scholars and policy makers focused on Middle Eastern Politics.

Remedios Varo's Feminine, Spiritual Quest

Remedios Varo occupies a marginal position in the Surrealist canon, despite her direct involvement with Breton’s circle and in spite of the fact that her work is attributed a universal significance. It has been interpreted as representing a journey towards identity and freedom, a search for female empowerment, and as a spiritual quest. Moreover, critical focus on the mythic/exoteric ‘female’ quest has been to the detriment of the mystical/esoteric significance of the paintings. This article argues that it is in the combination of these strands that Varo’s radicalism might be found. It shows that by presenting a female, spiritual quest for enlightenment—which exists apart from a traditionally male-dominated, western religious schema—Varo circumvented her ordained role within the artistic, spiritual, and political communities of which she was a part.

Joseph Priestley: the man who drew time

The Joseph Priestley House Museum at Northumberland, Pennsylvania became interested in Priestley's pioneering timelines as a complement to his better known work in chemistry, electricity, biblical scholarship and political radicalism. Boyd Davis wrote this short article for the newsletter published by the Friends of the museum. The article concentrates on the connections between Priestley, his French contemporary Barbeu-Dubourg and Benjamin Franklin at the time of the struggle for American Independence, and Priestley's two key chronographic innovations: the use of drawn or printed lines to represent the duration of lives, and the associated use of dots to show when the dates of such lives are in doubt or dispute. Keywords: timeline, chronographics

Les bifurcations dans les parcours scolaires des étudiants universitaires québécois

L’objectif de ce mémoire est de proposer une analyse descriptive et explicative des bifurcations scolaires. Si plusieurs chercheurs ont noté la fréquence élevée des réorientations au cours des études postsecondaires au Québec, aucun d’entre eux ne s’est intéressé aux réorientations scolaires radicales et imprévisibles, qui peuvent être désignées par le terme de bifurcation. En s’appuyant principalement sur l’analyse d’une série d’entretiens auprès d’individus ayant vécu une réorientation scolaire au cours de leurs études supérieures, cette recherche explore les faces objectives et subjectives de ces réorientations, les différentes étapes traversées au cours du processus de réorientation, les différentes ressources mobilisées par les étudiants afin de faciliter sa réalisation, ainsi que les différentes raisons pour lesquelles les étudiants bifurquent. L’analyse descriptive montre le rôle décisif de la souplesse de fonctionnement et des ressources des institutions d’enseignement postsecondaire, tandis qu’elle tend à minorer le rôle joué par l’entourage des étudiants, et particulièrement de leurs parents. L’analyse explicative fait apparaitre deux modèles distincts de bifurcation: le modèle de la rectification, dans lequel les étudiants se réorientent vers un programme qui correspond davantage à leurs valeurs; et celui de la rétroaction, dans lequel ils se réorientent vers un domaine pour lequel ils avaient déjà de l’intérêt. In fine, ce mémoire conduit à marquer une distinction entre bifurcation et réorientation stratégique, et à nuancer l’utilisation des critères de radicalité et d’imprévisibilité pour définir les bifurcations scolaires dans la mesure où des conciliations ou des retours sur des centres d’intérêt antérieurs sont souvent possibles.

Entre théâtre et poésie : devenir intermédial du poème et dispositif théâtral au tournant des XXe et XXIe siècles

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Institut d'Études théâtrales de l'Université Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris 3

La formación del pensamiento político del partido conservador colombiano en el siglo XIX. Estudio de caso : los escritos políticos de Mariano Ospina Rodríguez y José Eusebio Caro

Esta investigación describe la formación del pensamiento político del Partido Conservador Colombiano en el siglo XIX, en los escritos de Mariano Ospina Rodríguez y José Eusebio Caro, donde reaccionan con contundencia frente a los excesos del radicalismo liberal del gobierno de José Hilario López. Para entender la reacción conservadora, se utiliza como herramienta teórica el trabajo de Robert Nisbet, “Conservadurismo”.

The Proliferation of Paramilitary Groups in Southern Mexico: State Strategy or Struggle between Local Political Elites?

This study traces the origins of Mexican paramilitary groups and argues that, contrary to what most of the literature on the subject implies, they do not represent a state strategy to thwart leftist groups seeking social change. Rather, they represent battles between groups of national and local-level elites with different visions of democracy and of what constitutes good governance. The polarization inherent in this type of conflict leads local actors to have to side with one faction of elites or the other. The presence of radical leftist groups in recently colonized indigenous areas with scant state presence gives rise to a process of radicalization among local elites. There are multiple factors that explain the emergence of paramilitary groups. Aside from the post Cold War international context, there were national factors like a shift in its focus away from security matters between 1989 and 1993, and presidential policies between 1968 and 1993, that planted the seeds of leftist radicalism in a context of id modernization

La incidencia del Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán en el establecimiento de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en Asia Central 1991-2012

El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la estrategia de securitización implementada por el Presidente de la Republica de Uzbekistán Islam Karimov sobre el Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán. Se describe y se explica cómo desde las lógicas históricas y étnicas acontecidas en Asia Central, se pueden comprender los alcances internacionales de la confrontación antagónica ejercida entre uzbekos al apoyar ideas de corte secular e islamista. Así, siguiendo los parámetros establecidos por Barry Buzan con respecto a la securitización, se puede llegar a identificar la creación de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en la región de Asia Central, cuyos logros permitieron disminuir el riesgo de la amenaza insurgente.

The civic zeitgeist: nationalism and liberal values in the European radical right

This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values, and more specifically the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful SVP to the more mixed BNP, FN and NPD, we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism which expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.