Militarism, conflicts and indiscipline in police practices in the State of São Paulo during the First Brazilian Republic

This article examines the challenges involved in the process of police militarization and implementation of police discipline in the State of São Paulo during the First Brazilian Republic (1889 to 1930). The implementation of a militarized police model, initiated by the 1906 French Military Mission, was not fully able to deal with indiscipline issues among policemen. Beyond creating problems of its own, such as fostering a corporatist culture and strengthening rigid hierarchies, military discipline prevented police forces to address new issues that would affect its practices. Documents in the São Paulo State Public Archive provides a window to the daily violence, the personal compromises, the institutional conflicts and the political meddling that was part of police life in the State of São Paulo at the turn of the century.

A militarização da infância: expressões do nacionalismo na cultura brasileira

O texto compreende um estudo sobre as práticas de militarização da infância, isto é, práticas de natureza patriótica, cívico-militar que predominaram no ensino primário, no início do século XX. Nesse sentido, destaca a introdução da disciplina Ginástica e exercícios militares nos programas de ensino e seus desdobramentos mediante a criação dos Batalhões Infantis. Analisa, também, o escotismo escolar, movimento efervescente no estado de São Paulo nas décadas de 1910 e 1920, identificando-o como mais uma expressão do militarismo e do nacionalismo na educação brasileira. Para a realização deste estudo foram utilizadas fontes manuscritas encontradas no Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo e periódicos educacionais da época.

Public Monuments and the Development of Siamese Nationalism, 1908-1945

A careful study of Siam's public monuments is the key to understanding the development of the Siamese nation in its formative period, from 1908 to 1945. As Siam's elites attempted to modernize the state in order to compete with the more developed powers of the West, they recognized that nationalism could potentially be used as a force to increase popular unity, consolidate modernization programs, legitimize their own authority, and protect the country from foreign conquest. The problem they faced, however, was how best to communicate nationalism to the people. Different factions throughout this era had their own idea of what it meant to be Siamese, and all of them wanted to control the national image. But literacy in Siam was extremely low, and art too expensive for most individuals to possess. Public political monuments, the focus of this thesis, therefore became the primary means of manifesting and propagating the underlying tenets of the new Siamese nation. Public monuments express the changing imaginings of the Siamese nation in this period of enormous transformations and turbulence, through the motives behind their commissioning, the political messages they convey, and popular reactions to the monuments. Three primary strains of Siamese nationalism emerged during this period: royalist nationalism, republican nationalism, and military nationalism. These three imaginings of the nation continually developed and interacted with each other, but each was particularly dominant at a given time in Siamese history. Monuments of the royalist period (1908-1925) embody the desire of Siam's kings to not only promote national pride amongst the Siamese people, but also advocate an image of nation and king as one. Monuments of the republican period (1925-1939) express the changing and sometimes contradictory events of their times, as they demonstrate new national values based on the sovereignty of the people, the value of the constitution, and the growing power of the military. And monuments of the military period (1939-1945) espouse an assertive and militaristic national image of warfare, patriotism, authority, and vigor. This thesis explores the nationalistic themes expressed in these monuments, and how these themes played out in the course of Siam's wider history.

Igbo Nationalism and Biafra

When I was living in Igboland in 1993 and from 1994 to 1996, there was not much talk about Biafra, the secessionist republic that had been defeated by the Nigerian army in 1970. Not one Igbo politician suggested that his or her people in the southeast of Nigeria should secede again and proclaim a second Biafra. Since 1984, Nigeria had been ruled by the military, and political hopes focused on a return to democracy. Democracy did come in 1999, but it proved a big disappointment. It did not end the marginalisation of the Igbo but led to an increase in the number of ethnic and religious clashes, with Igbo 'migrants' in northern Nigeria as the main victims. It was Nigeria's fourth transition to democracy, and the Igbo lost out again. When I returned to Igboland for brief visits between 2000 and 2007, the option of a new Biafra was widely discussed. Many of my former colleagues at the University of Nsukka seemed to be in favour of the secession project. I talked to supporters of the main separatist organisation, Movement for the Actualisation of a Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and I discussed the project with members of Ohanaeze, a loose association of Igbo politicians, most of whom had distanced themselves from radical secessionism. In order to learn more about the resurgence of Igbo nationalism, I collected Igbo periodicals. A few of them, such as the New Republic, resembled newspapers; others, like News Round, Eastern Sunset or Weekly Hammer (with eight pages in A4 size), looked more like political pamphlets. Street vendors used back issues as wrapping paper, so they were easy to get. Most of them had been edited not in Igboland, but in Lagos, Nigeria's commercial centre and former capital which is home to a huge Igbo diaspora. Though written in English, these publications are addressed exclusively to an Igbo readership, discussing global and domestic affairs from a nationalist point of view. Articles printed here, no matter their topic, are nationalist in the sense that they assess things from the standpoint of Igbo interests. The same is true of many articles on Igbo websites and of some books and brochures written for an Igbo audience. Another source of information on Igbo nationalism are statements by Igbo governors, ministers, members of parliament and other professional politicians who are quoted in newspapers, such as Vanguard or Guardian, and in weekly magazines such as Newswatch, Tell or The News – all with a Nigeria-wide circulation and a multi-ethnic readership. Nigeria's papers and magazines are among the best in Africa. They try to be balanced in their coverage of ethnic conflicts, and they give reliable information. The same cannot be said of periodicals produced by Igbo nationalists. They provide space for Igbo all over the world to voice their opinions, and they tolerate much controversy, but they are not accurate when reporting facts.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 642 - "Materialien. Druckseiten aus Zeitschriften", "Menschen im Großbetrieb" und "Vorwort zu: 'Zeugnisse. Theodor W. Adorno zum 60. Geburtstag'" (p. IX 20.11-76-IX 22)

11. Salomon, Albert: "The Spirit of the Soldier and Nazi Militarism". Social Research, Februar 1942, 13 Blatt; 12. Dicks, H.V.: "The Psychological Foundations of the Wehrmacht". Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 42 Blatt; 13. Clark, Robert A.: "Aggressivness and Military Training". American Journal of Sociology, Volume 51, Number 5, March 1946, 5 Blatt; 14. Stagner, Ross: "Fascist Attitudes: Their Determening Conditions". The Journal of Social Psychology, Volume III, Number 4, 1936, 9 Blatt; 15. Apple, Kenneth E.: "Nationalism and Souvereignity: A Psychiatric View." The Journal of Normal and Abnorma Psychology, Volume 40, Number 4, October 1945, 4 Blatt; 16. Schreier, Fritz: "German Aggressivness- Its Reasons and Types". Journal of Normal and Abnormal Psychology, Volume 38, Number 2, April 1943, 7 Blatt; 17. Stagner, Ross: "Fascist Attitudes: An Exploratory Study". The Journal of Social Psychology, Volume III, Number 3, 1936, 6 Blatt; 18. Stagner, Ross und Katzoff, E. T.: "Fascist Attitudes: Factor Analysis of Item Correlations". The Journal of Social Psychology, 16, 1942, 4 Blatt; 19. Stagner, Ross und Osgood, Charles E.: "Impact of War on a Nationalistic Frame of Reference". The Journal of Social Psychology, 24, 1946, 15 Blatt; 20. Day, Daniel Droba und Quackenbusch, O.F.: Attitudes Towards Defensive, Cooperative and Aggressive War". The Journal of Social Psychology, 16, 1942, 5 Blatt; 21. Kecskemeti, Paul und Leites, Nathan: "Some Psychological Hypotheses on Nazi Germany: I". The Journal of Social Psychology, 26, 1947, 22 Blatt; 22. Dieselben: "Some Psychological Hypotheses on Nazi Germany: II". Ebenda, 27, 1948, 14 Blatt; 23. Parsons, Tollcott: "Certain Primary Sources and Pattersens of Aggression in the Social Structure of the Western World". Psychiatry, Volume 10, Number 2, May 1047, 8 Blatt; 24. Zerner, Elizabeth H.: "German Occupation and Anti-Semitism in France". Public Opinion Quarterly, Summer 1948, 5 Blatt; 25. Hauser, Ernest O.: "Doctor [Julian] Huxley`s Wonderful Zoo". The Saturday Evening Post, ohne Datum, 5 Blatt; 26. Zeitungsabschnitt, 1 Blatt; "Menschen im Großbetrieb" (GS 8, S. 95-105); Veröffentlicht in: Deutsche Zeitung, 19.02.1955. a) Typoskript mit dem Titel "Meinungsforschung im Betrieb" mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 10 Blatt b) Typoskript mit dem Titel "Der Mensch im Großbetrieb", mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen und einer handschriftlichen Notiz von Theodor W. Adorno, 17 Blatt c) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 17 Blatt d) Zeitungsdruck mit dem Titel "Menschen im Großbetrieb", mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt e)-f) Dasselbe , 1 Blatt; "Vorwort" zu: "Zeugnisse. Theodor W. Adorno zum 60. Geburtstag"; Veröffentlicht: Ebenda, Frankfurt am Main, 1963. a)-b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt c) Typoskript, 2 Blatt;

Reconquest. An official record of the Australian Army's successes in the offensives against Lae, Finschhafen, Markham and Ramu Valleys, Huon Peninsula, Finisterre Mountains, Rai Coast, Bogadjim, Madang, Alexishafen, Karkar Is., Hansa Bay. September, 1943-June, 1944

Mode of access: Internet.

Mefloquine and doxycycline malaria prophylaxis in Australian soldiers in East Timor

Objectives: To describe the tolerability of mefloquine in Australian soldiers for malaria prophylaxis, including a comparison with doxycycline. Design: Open-label, prospective study and cross-sectional questionnaire and interview. Setting and participants: Two contingents of Australian soldiers, each deployed to East Timor for peacekeeping duties over a 6-month period (April 2001-October 2001 and October 2001-May 2002). Outcome measures: Withdrawals during the study; adverse events relating to mefloquine prophylaxis; willingness to use mefloquine again on deployment. Results: Of 1157 soldiers starting on mefloquine, 75 (6.5%) withdrew because of adverse responses to the drug. There were three serious adverse events of a neuropsychiatric nature, possibly relating to mefloquine. Fifty-seven per cent of soldiers using mefloquine prophylaxis reported at least one adverse event, compared with 56% using doxycycline. The most commonly reported adverse effects of both drugs were sleep disturbance, headache, tiredness and nausea. Of the 968 soldiers still taking mefloquine at the end of their deployments, 94% indicated they would use mefloquine again. Of 388 soldiers taking doxycycline prophylaxis who were deployed with the first mefloquine study contingent, 89% indicated they would use doxycycline again. Conclusions: Mefloquine was generally well tolerated by Australian soldiers and should continue to be used for those intolerant of doxycycline.

The Populist Message of Australian Country Music

Australian country music is influenced by American country music and Australian bush ballads. This music idealises genuine true blue inhabitants of an idealised rural heartland and fuses nationalism with agrarian mythology. The lyrics of a number of country songs contain a populist political message, which is frequently nationalistic but is a form of nationalism.

A critical evaluation of theories of nationalism

This thesis considers the main theoretical positions within the contemporary sociology of nationalism. These can be grouped into two basic types, primordialist theories which assert that nationalism is an inevitable aspect of all human societies, and modernist theories which assert that nationalism and the nation-state first developed within western Europe in recent centuries. With respect to primordialist approaches to nationalism, it is argued that the main common explanation offered is human biological propensity. Consideration is concentrated on the most recent and plausible of such theories, sociobiology. Sociobiological accounts root nationalism and racism in genetic programming which favours close kin, or rather to the redirection of this programming in complex societies, where the social group is not a kin group. It is argued that the stated assumptions of the sociobiologists do not entail the conclusions they draw as to the roots of nationalism, and that in order to arrive at such conclusions further and implausible assumptions have to be made. With respect to modernists, the first group of writers who are considered are those, represented by Carlton Hayes, Hans Kohn and Elie Kedourie, whose main thesis is that the nation-state and nationalism are recent phenomena. Next, the two major attempts to relate nationalism and the nation-state to imperatives specific either to capitalist societies (in the `orthodox' marxist theory elaborated about the turn of the twentieth century) or to the processes of modernisation and industrialisation (the `Weberian' account of Ernest Gellner) are discussed. It is argued that modernist accounts can only be sustained by starting from a definition of nationalism and the nation-state which conflates such phenomena with others which are specific to the modern world. The marxist and Gellner accounts form the necessary starting point for any explanation as to why the nation-state is apparently the sole viable form of polity in the modern world, but their assumption that no pre-modern society was national leaves them without an adequate account of the earliest origins of the nation-state and of nationalism. Finally, a case study from the history of England argues both the achievement of a national state form and the elucidation of crucial components of a nationalist ideology were attained at a period not consistent with any of the versions of the modernist thesis.

Racist Aspects of Modern Turkish Nationalism

Peer reviewed

Shadows of militarism: an ethnography of trauma and resistance among soldiers and veterans in post-9/11 USA.

This thesis critically examines the military disciplining of trauma through a detailed ethnographic study of post-9/11 lower-enlisted soldiers and veterans in the U.S. who have links to a national movement of resistance to, and healing from, militarism. Drawing on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork at two G.I. coffeehouses and with the post-9/11 veteran anti-militarism movement in U.S., it analyses the journey of joining the military, becoming a soldier, leaving the military and veteran identities. It explores militarism and military power as a cultural process which reproduces and conceals itself within normative conceptions of the everyday, and military trauma as a site of contested power and resistance. In doing so, this research addresses an urgent need to critically engage with military trauma as a means to challenge normalised discourses of militarism. This research reveals a disjuncture between the imagined and lived reality of military identities in the post-9/11 era. It explores the politics of recognition of veterans’ public and private lives, their contested identities, and their constrained relationship to the state. It argues that veterans are silenced and their identities reduced to symbolic tools in a public military imaginary which constructs military trauma into politically manageable categories, while disciplining and silencing the nation from critically examining war and militarism. In this way, this thesis argues that veterans serve a vital function in U.S. society by absorbing and containing the violence of the state, which then becomes unspeakable, unhearable, and inescapable. This thesis shows how a small number of soldiers and veterans are pushing back against this narrative. In sum, this thesis seeks to challenge the disciplinary effects of militarism upon trauma and support veteran voices to speak their own truths.