743 resultados para Psychological Trauma
Resumo:
The relationship between hallucinations and life events is a topic of significant clinical importance. This review discusses the extent to which auditory and visual hallucinations may be directly related to traumatic events. Evidence suggests that intrusive images occur frequently within individuals who also report hallucinatory experiences. However, there has been limited research specifically investigating the extent to which hallucinations are the re-experiencing of a traumatic event. Our current theoretical understanding of these relationships, along with methodological difficulties associated with research in this area, are considered. Recent clinical studies, which adopt interventions aimed at the symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder in people diagnosed with a psychotic disorder, are reviewed. There is a need for the development of evidence-based interventions in this area.
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BACKGROUND Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) may occur in patients after exposure to a life-threatening illness. About one out of six patients develop clinically relevant levels of PTSD symptoms after acute myocardial infarction (MI). Symptoms of PTSD are associated with impaired quality of life and increase the risk of recurrent cardiovascular events. The main hypothesis of the MI-SPRINT study is that trauma-focused psychological counseling is more effective than non-trauma focused counseling in preventing posttraumatic stress after acute MI. METHODS/DESIGN The study is a single-center, randomized controlled psychological trial with two active intervention arms. The sample consists of 426 patients aged 18 years or older who are at 'high risk' to develop clinically relevant posttraumatic stress symptoms. 'High risk' patients are identified with three single-item questions with a numeric rating scale (0 to 10) asking about 'pain during MI', 'fear of dying until admission' and/or 'worrying and feeling helpless when being told about having MI'. Exclusion criteria are emergency heart surgery, severe comorbidities, current severe depression, disorientation, cognitive impairment and suicidal ideation. Patients will be randomly allocated to a single 45-minute counseling session targeting either specific MI-triggered traumatic reactions (that is, the verum intervention) or the general role of psychosocial stress in coronary heart disease (that is, the control intervention). The session will take place in the coronary care unit within 48 hours, by the bedside, after patients have reached stable circulatory conditions. Each patient will additionally receive an illustrated information booklet as study material. Sociodemographic factors, psychosocial and medical data, and cardiometabolic risk factors will be assessed during hospitalization. The primary outcome is the interviewer-rated posttraumatic stress level at three-month follow-up, which is hypothesized to be at least 20% lower in the verum group than in the control group using the t-test. Secondary outcomes are posttraumatic stress levels at 12-month follow-up, and psychosocial functioning and cardiometabolic risk factors at both follow-up assessments. DISCUSSION If the verum intervention proves to be effective, the study will be the first to show that a brief trauma-focused psychological intervention delivered within a somatic health care setting can reduce the incidence of posttraumatic stress in acute MI patients. TRIAL REGISTRATION ClinicalTrials.gov: NCT01781247.
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In the current thesis, the reasons for the differential impact of Holocaust trauma on Holocaust survivors, and the differential intergenerational transmission of this trauma to survivors’ children and grandchildren were explored. A model specifically related to Holocaust trauma and its transmission was developed based on trauma, family systems and attachment theories as well as theoretical and anecdotal conjecture in the Holocaust literature. The Model of the Differential Impact of Holocaust Trauma across Three Generations was tested firstly by extensive meta-analyses of the literature pertaining to the psychological health of Holocaust survivors and their descendants and secondly via analysis of empirical study data. The meta-analyses reported in this thesis represent the first conducted with research pertaining to Holocaust survivors and grandchildren of Holocaust survivors. The meta-analysis of research conducted with children of survivors is the first to include both published and unpublished research. Meta-analytic techniques such as meta-regression and sub-set meta-analyses provided new information regarding the influence of a number of unmeasured demographic variables on the psychological health of Holocaust survivors and descendants. Based on the results of the meta-analyses it was concluded that Holocaust survivors and their children and grandchildren suffer from a statistically significantly higher level or greater severity of psychological symptoms than the general population. However it was also concluded that there is statistically significant variation in psychological health within the Holocaust survivor and descendant populations. Demographic variables which may explain a substantial amount of this variation have been largely under-assessed in the literature and so an empirical study was needed to clarify the role of demographics in determining survivor and descendant mental health. A total of 124 participants took part in the empirical study conducted for this thesis with 27 Holocaust survivors, 69 children of survivors and 28 grandchildren of survivors. A worldwide recruitment process was used to obtain these participants. Among the demographic variables assessed in the empirical study, aspects of the survivors’ Holocaust trauma (namely the exact nature of their Holocaust experiences, the extent of family bereavement and their country of origin) were found to be particularly potent predictors of not only their own psychological health but continue to be strongly influential in determining the psychological health of their descendants. Further highlighting the continuing influence of the Holocaust was the finding that number of Holocaust affected ancestors was the strongest demographic predictor of grandchild of survivor psychological health. Apart from demographic variables, the current thesis considered family environment dimensions which have been hypothesised to play a role in the transmission of the traumatic impact of the Holocaust from survivors to their descendants. Within the empirical study, parent-child attachment was found to be a key determinant in the transmission of Holocaust trauma from survivors to their children and insecure parent-child attachment continues to reverberate through the generations. In addition, survivors’ communication about the Holocaust and their Holocaust experiences to their children was found to be more influential than general communication within the family. Ten case studies (derived from the empirical study data set) are also provided; five Holocaust survivors, three children of survivors and two grandchildren of survivors. These cases add further to the picture of heterogeneity of the survivor and descendant populations in both experiences and adaptations. It is concluded that the legacy of the Holocaust continues to leave its mark on both its direct survivors and their descendants. Even two generations removed, the direct and indirect effects of the Holocaust have yet to be completely nullified. Research with Holocaust survivor families serves to highlight the differential impacts of state-based trauma and the ways in which its effects continue to be felt for generations. The revised and empirically tested Model of the Differential Impact of Holocaust Trauma across Three Generations presented at the conclusion of this thesis represents a further clarification of existing trauma theories as well as the first attempt at determining the relative importance of both cognitive, interpersonal/interfamilial interaction processes and demographic variables in post-trauma psychological health and transmission of traumatic impact.
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Background: Little is known about the relationship between women's birthing experiences and the development of trauma symptoms. This study aimed to determine the incidence of acute trauma symptoms and posttraumatic stress disorder in women as a result of their labor and birth experiences, and to identify factors that contributed to the women's psychological distress. Method: Using a prospective, longitudinal design, women in their last trimester of pregnancy were recruited from four public hospital antenatal clinics. Telephone interviews with 499 participants were conducted at 4 to 6 weeks postpartum to explore the medical and midwifery management of the birth, perceptions of intrapartum care, and the presence of trauma symptoms. Results: One in three women (33%) identified a traumatic birthing event and reported the presence of at least three trauma symptoms. Twenty-eight women (5.6%) met DSM-IV criteria for acute posttraumatic stress disorder. Antenatal variables did not contribute to the development of acute or chronic trauma symptoms. The level of obstetric intervention experienced during childbirth (β= 0.351, p < 0.0001)and the perception of inadequate intrapartum care (β= 0.319, p < 0.0001) during labor were consistently associated with the development of acute trauma symptoms. Conclusions: Posttraumatic stress disorder after childbirth is a poorly recognized phenomenon. Women who experienced both a high level of obstetric intervention and dissatisfaction with their intrapartum care were more likely to develop trauma symptoms than women who received a high level of obstetric intervention or women who perceived their care to be inadequate. These findings should prompt a serious review of intrusive obstetric intervention during labor and delivery, and the care provided to birthing women.
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Informed by current trauma literature, this study explored the relationships between Posttraumatic Growth (PTG; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995), Posttraumatic Depreciation (PTD; Cann et al., 2010) and other post-trauma outcomes including well-being, psychological flourishing, and psychological distress. The predictive utility of PTG and PTD was also examined. The sample comprised 104 trauma survivors who completed the Posttraumatic Growth Inventory – 42 (Baker et al., 2008) and several outcome measures. As expected, PTD showed strong linear correlations with well-being, flourishing and distress, and emerged as a significant predictor of scores on such measures. However, PTG showed negligible correlations with well-being, flourishing and distress. This reaffirms that PTG and PTD measure conceptually distinct and independent dimensions of experience, which has implications for therapeutic practice.
Resumo:
The publication of the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association, 1994) introduced the notion that a life-threatening illness can be a stressor and catalyst for Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Since then a solid body of research has been established investigating the post-diagnosis experience of cancer. These studies have identified a number of short and long-term life changes resulting from a diagnosis of cancer and associated treatments. In this chapter, we discuss the psychosocial response to the cancer experience and the potential for cancer-related distress. Cancer can represent a life-threatening diagnosis that may be associated with aggressive treatments and result in physical and psychological changes. The potential for future trauma through the lasting effects of the disease and treatment, and the possibility of recurrence, can be a source of continued psychological distress. In addition to the documented adverse repercussions of cancer, we also outline the recent shift that has occurred in the psycho-oncology literature regarding positive life change or posttraumatic growth that is commonly reported after a diagnosis of cancer. Adopting a salutogenic framework acknowledges that the cancer experience is a dynamic psychosocial process with both negative and positive repercussions. Next, we describe the situational and individual factors that are associated with posttraumatic growth and the types of positive life change that are prevalent in this context. Finally, we discuss the implications of this research in a therapeutic context and the directions of future posttraumatic growth research with cancer survivors. This chapter will present both quantitative and qualitative research that indicates the potential for personal growth from adversity rather than just mere survival and return to pre-diagnosis functioning. It is important to emphasise however, that the presence of growth and prevalence of resilience does not negate the extremely distressing nature of a cancer diagnosis for the patient and their families and the suffering that can accompany treatment regimes. Indeed, it will be explained that for growth to occur, the experience must be one that quite literally shatters previously held schemas in order to act as a catalyst for change.
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Book Description: Life is a mix of good and bad happenings and sometimes terrible things happen to people. Trauma is evident across our lifespan; it is part of our lives. Trauma may not exert the same demands on the individual when they get on with their lives or experience other positive aspects of what life has to offer; however, it does not change its form from trauma to growth – it stays there etched into our psyche as trauma. In simple terms, growth occurs alongside the traumatic etchings. This is a book that will provide some answers to psychologists, counselors, social workers and mental health workers about what happens to people who are traumatized and how they ‘get on with their lives’; it also gives some excellent examples of how therapies can assist them in moving forward in life’s journey.
Resumo:
Executive Summary The Australian Psychological Society categorically condemns the practice of detaining child asylum seekers and their families, on the grounds that it is not commensurate with psychological best practice concerning children’s development and mental health and wellbeing. Detention of children in this fashion is also arguably a violation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. A thorough review of relevant psychological theory and available research findings from international research has led the Australian Psychological Society to conclude that: • Detention is a negative socialisation experience. • Detention is accentuates developmental risks. • Detention threatens the bonds between children and significant caregivers. • Detention limits educational opportunities. • Detention has traumatic impacts on children of asylum seekers. • Detention reduces children’s potential to recover from trauma. • Detention exacerbates the impacts of other traumas. • Detention of children from these families in many respects is worse for them than being imprisoned. In the absence of any indication from the Australian Government that it intends in the near future to alter the practice of holding children in immigration detention, the Australian Psychological Society’s intermediate position is that the facilitation of short-term and long-term psychological development and wellbeing of children is the basic tenet upon which detention centres should be audited and judged. Based on that position, the Society has identified a series of questions and concerns that arise directly from the various psychological perspectives that have been brought to bear on estimating the effects of detention on child asylum seekers. The Society argues that, because these questions and concerns relate specifically to improvement and maintenance of child detainees’ educational, social and psychological wellbeing, they are legitimate matters for the Inquiry to consider and investigate. • What steps are currently being taken to monitor the psyc hological welfare of the children in detention? In particular, what steps are being taken to monitor the psychological wellbeing of children arriving from war-torn countries? • What qualifications and training do staff who care for children and their families in detention centres have? What knowledge do they have of psychological issues faced by people who have been subjected to traumatic experiences and are suffering high degrees of anxiety, stress and uncertainty? • What provisions have been made for psycho-educational assessment of children’s specific learning needs prior to their attending formal educational programmes? • who are suffering chronic and/or vicarious trauma as a result of witnessing threatening behaviour whilst in detention? • What provisions have been made for families who have been seriously affected by displacement to participate in family therapy? • What critical incident debriefing procedures are in place for children who have witnessed their parents, other family members, or social acquaintances engaging in acts of self-harm or being harmed while in detention? What psychotherapeutic support is in place for children who themselves have been harmed or have engaged in self- harmful acts while in detention? • What provisions are in place for parenting programmes that provide support for parents of children under extremely difficult psychological and physical circumstances? • What efforts are being made to provide parents with the opportunity to model traditional family roles for children, such as working to earn an income, meal preparation, other household duties, etc.? • What opportunities are in place for the assessment of safety issues such as bullying, and sexual or physical abuse of children or their mothers in detention centres? • How are resources distributed to children and families in detention centres? • What socialization opportunities are available either within detention centres or in the wider community for children to develop skills and independence, engage in social activities, participate in cultural traditions, and communicate and interaction with same-age peers and adults from similar ethnic and religious backgrounds? • What access do children and families have to videos, music and entertainment from their cultures of origin? • What provisions are in place to ensure the maintenance of privacy in a manner commensurate with usual cultural practice? • What is the Government’s rationale for continuing to implement a policy of mandatory detention of child asylum seekers that on the face of it is likely to have a pernicious impact on these children’s mental health? • In view of the evidence on the potential long-term impact of mandatory detention on children, what processes may be followed by Government to avoid such a practice and, more importantly, to develop policies and practices that will have a positive impact on these children’s psychological development and mental health?
Resumo:
Newman and Nelson (2012) describe three ‘dances’ to explain the vacillating psychological states of trauma survivors: the dance of approach and avoidance; the dance of fragmentation and integration; and the dance of resilience and vulnerability. The first pair of seemingly opposite responses describes how survivors at times cope by ‘approaching’ the trauma, for example by gathering information about what happened; whilst at other times, the same person will cope by ‘avoiding’ the trauma by engaging in activities which distract them from the memory of the trauma or having to deal with the consequences of it. The ‘dance’ of fragmentation and integration describes the opposing individual or group experiences encountered after traumas or disasters. Individuals may experience fragmentation, or emotional disconnection, from the trauma as an adaptive means of survival. The ‘dance’ of resilience and vulnerability refers to an individual’s ability to ‘process’ trauma and return to a resilient state in which they re-learn to trust people and the world around them and ‘bounce back’ to a state of being resilient again. This paper will illustrate how an understanding of the three dances can be used to enable survivors of child sexual assault to engage with the media to tell their stories. I will give current examples from six months of journalism research, collaboration and writing of a series of news stories and features which broke an exclusive story simultaneously in The Australian and The Times in London during 2013.
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Emergency Medical Dispatchers (EMDs) respond to crisis calls for ambulance; they dispatch paramedics and provide emotional and medical assistance to callers. Despite the stressful nature and exposure to potentially traumatising events in this role, there has been no published research specifically investigating well-being or posttraumatic growth among EMDs. Extrapolating from research conducted among other emergency services workers (e. g., paramedics, police), literature attests to the importance of self efficacy and social support in promoting mental health in emergency service workers. Therefore, this study assessed the impact of self efficacy, and giving and receiving social support on psychological well-being, posttraumatic growth (PTG), and symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Sixty EMDs (50% response rate) completed an online questionnaire. Three hierarchical multiple regression analyses were conducted to ascertain predictors of well-being, PTG and PTSD. Receiving social support emerged as a significant positive predictor of well-being and PTG, and a significant negative predictor of PTSD. Self efficacy was found to significantly and positively predict well-being, and shift-work was found to significantly and negatively predict PTSD. These results highlight that self efficacy and receiving social support are likely to be important for enhancing well-being within this population, and that receiving social support is also likely to facilitate positive post-trauma responses. Such findings have implications for the way emergency service personnel are educated with reference to aspects of mental health and how best to support personnel in order to achieve optimal mental health outcomes for all.
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Alcohol is implicated in over 60 diseases and injuries and accounted for 6.2 per cent of all male deaths globally in 2004 (WHO, 2011). Alcohol and other drug (AOD) abuse causes significant individual, family and social harms at all age levels and across all socioeconomic groups. These may result from intoxication (e.g., overdose, vulnerability to physical injury/trauma or death, consequences of impulsive behaviour, aggression and driving under the influence) and longer-term consequences (e.g., alcohol or drug-related brain injury, cardiovascular and liver diseases, blood borne viruses e.g., Chikritzhs et al., 2003, Roxburgh et al., 2013). Mental health problems may be triggered or exacerbated, and family breakdown, poor self-esteem, legal issues and lack of community engagement may also be evident. Despite the prevalence of substance use disorders and evident consequences for the individual, family and wider community, it would seem that health professionals, including psychologists, are reluctant to ask about substance use.
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Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a debilitating psychiatric disorder that has a major impact on the ability to function effectively in daily life. PTSD may develop as a response to exposure to an event or events perceived as potentially harmful or life-threatening. It has high prevalence rates in the community, especially among vulnerable groups such as military personnel or those in emergency services. Despite extensive research in this field, the underlying mechanisms of the disorder remain largely unknown. The identification of risk factors for PTSD has posed a particular challenge as there can be delays in onset of the disorder, and most people who are exposed to traumatic events will not meet diagnostic criteria for PTSD. With the advent of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM V), the classification for PTSD has changed from an anxiety disorder into the category of stress- and trauma-related disorders. This has the potential to refocus PTSD research on the nature of stress and the stress response relationship. This review focuses on some of the important findings from psychological and biological research based on early models of stress and resilience. Improving our understanding of PTSD by investigating both genetic and psychological risk and coping factors that influence stress response, as well as their interaction, may provide a basis for more effective and earlier intervention.