977 resultados para Post-industrial Landscapes


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The chapter provides an account of the changing role played by active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Europe since the post-war years. Focusing on six countries (Sweden, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom), it shows that the role of ALMPs is related to the broad economic situation. At times of rapid expansion and labour shortage, like the 1950s and 1960s, their key objective was to upskill the workforce. After the oil shocks of the 1970s, the raison d'être of ALMPs shifted from economic to social policy, and since the mid-1990s, we see the development of a new function, well captured by the notion of activation, which refers to the strengthening of work incentives and the removal of obstacles to employment, mostly for low-skilled people. The adequacy between economic context and policy is not always optimal, though. Like other ones, this policy domain suffers from inertia, with the result that the countries that have led the way in one period have more difficulty adapting to the economic conditions prevailing in the following one.

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The present thesis is about cognitions of left-wing activists and the role they play to better understand contentious participation. It compares activists of three post-industrial social movement organizations in Switzerland, i.e. Solidarity across Borders defending migrant's rights, the Society of Threatened People promoting collective human rights and Greenpeace protecting the environment. It makes use of an innovative mixed methods design combining survey and interview data. The main theoretical contribution is to conceptualize an analytical tool enabling to grasp the cognitive map of these activists by putting forward the concept of strong citizen, summing up their relation to society and politics. The relation to society consists of an extensive relation to others and an interconnected vision of society. Consequently, their primary concerns include the handing of common goods and the equal treatment of individuals with regard to common goods. The relation to politics incorporates a critical and vigilant citizen. They are critical towards political authorities and they appreciate political action by organized groups of the civil society. The thesis states that only by having such worldviews activists are able to construct an injustice, agency and identity frame for the claims of their organizations. Thus, the present work delivers a parsimonious answer to the question of where an injustice, agency and identity frame comes from. It does so by a systematic analysis of four specific arguments. First, it empirically demonstrates that these activists have - at the aggregate level - specific cognitive resources compared to the general population. Second, it describes the content of this specific cognitive outlook by evaluating the appropriateness of the strong citizen concept. Third, it looks at variations between activist's communities and shows that activists of more challenging protest issues are stronger citizens than activists of more mainstream protests. Finally, cognitions are not the only part of the story if one looks at contentious participation. Other factors, i.e. social networks and biographical availability, matter too. Therefore, I test if cognitions are able to contribute in explaining differences between activists' communities if one controls for other factors. In sum, this thesis is thus a first step to demonstrate why one should be concerned about activists' cognitions. - Cette thèse s'intéresse aux cognitions des activistes de gauche et à leur rôle dans le phénomène de la participation contestataire. Des activistes de trois organisations post- industrielles en Suisse sont comparé, à savoir Solidarité sans Frontières qui défend les droits des migrants, la Société des Peuples menacés qui promeut les droits des collectivités minoritaires et Greenpeace qui oeuvre pour la protection de l'environnement. Cette recherche utilise un « mixed methods design » en combinant de manière innovant des données de sondage et d'entretiens. Ma principale contribution théorique réside dans la conceptualisation d'un outil analytique qui permet de saisir la « carte cognitive » des activistes, à travers le concept de « strong citizen » qui se réfère à la relation spécifique qu'entretiennent certains individus avec la société et la politique. Ces individus sont caractérisés par une vision inclusive et interconnectée de la société, ainsi que par une conception politique du citoyen comme critique et vigilant. Mon argument principal est celui selon lequel seuls les individus possédant ce type particulier de cognitions sont capable de construire un cadre d'injustice, d'« agency » et d'identité. Cette thèse apporte donc quelques éléments de réponse à la question de l'origine de ces cadres cognitifs qui sont cruciales pour la participation. Pour ce faire, quatre aspects spécifiques sont analysés de manière systématique. Premièrement, je démontre empiriquement, au niveau agrégé, que ces activistes possèdent effectivement des ressources cognitives spécifiques - en comparaison avec la population générale. Deuxièmement, j'analyse le contenu de ces cognitions, ce qui me permet notamment d'évaluer la pertinence et l'adéquation du concept de « strong citizen ». Troisièmement, en m'intéressant cette fois aux variations entre communautés d'activistes, je démontre que ceux réunis autour d'enjeux protestataires très revendicatifs sont, d'un point de vue cognitif, plus proches de la figure du « strong citizen » que ceux mobilisés sur des enjeux plus consensuels. Finalement, d'autres facteurs, à savoir les réseaux sociaux et la disponibilité biographique, sont intégrés à l'analyse afin de mesurer le réel pouvoir explicatif des cognitions dans l'explication des différences observées entre communautés d'activistes. A travers ces analyses, cette thèse met en avant l'importance du rôle des cognitions dans l'étude de la participation contestataire.

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To what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity-based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic-distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post-industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties.

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The statistical properties of inflation and, in particular, its degree of persistence and stability over time is a subject of intense debate and no consensus has been achieved yet. The goal of this paper is to analyze this controversy using a general approach, with the aim of providing a plausible explanation for the existing contradictory results. We consider the inflation rates of 21 OECD countries which are modelled as fractionally integrated (FI) processes. First, we show analytically that FI can appear in inflation rates after aggregating individual prices from firms that face different costs of adjusting their prices. Then, we provide robust empirical evidence supporting the FI hypothesis using both classical and Bayesian techniques. Next, we estimate impulse response functions and other scalar measures of persistence, achieving an accurate picture of this property and its variation across countries. It is shown that the application of some popular tools for measuring persistence, such as the sum of the AR coefficients, could lead to erroneous conclusions if fractional integration is present. Finally, we explore the existence of changes in inflation inertia using a novel approach. We conclude that the persistence of inflation is very high (although non-permanent) in most post-industrial countries and that it has remained basically unchanged over the last four decades.

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The statistical properties of inflation and, in particular, its degree of persistence and stability over time is a subject of intense debate and no consensus has been achieved yet. The goal of this paper is to analyze this controversy using a general approach, with the aim of providing a plausible explanation for the existing contradictory results. We consider the inflation rates of 21 OECD countries which are modelled as fractionally integrated (FI) processes. First, we show analytically that FI can appear in inflation rates after aggregating individual prices from firms that face different costs of adjusting their prices. Then, we provide robust empirical evidence supporting the FI hypothesis using both classical and Bayesian techniques. Next, we estimate impulse response functions and other scalar measures of persistence, achieving an accurate picture of this property and its variation across countries. It is shown that the application of some popular tools for measuring persistence, such as the sum of the AR coefficients, could lead to erroneous conclusions if fractional integration is present. Finally, we explore the existence of changes in inflation inertia using a novel approach. We conclude that the persistence of inflation is very high (although non-permanent) in most post-industrial countries and that it has remained basically unchanged over the last four decades.

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[cat] Les darreres dècades s’han caracteritzat per un intens augment de les desigualtats salarials a nivell mundial. Aquest article allarga la hipòtesi clàssica de la Corba de Kuznets per cobrir les economies post-industrials i tractar d’explicar aquest fenomen. Segons la hipòtesi de la Corba de Kuznets Allargada, les desigualtats salarials podrien evolucionar segons una corba en forma d’N. La U-inverida d’aquesta corba seria deguda al procés de canvi estructural que acompanya a un procés de industrialització. I l’extrem dret de la mateixa, associada al creixement explosiu de la formació de capital humà en les economies modernes i post-industrials. En aquest sentit, els principals candidats per explicar el recent augment de les desigualtats: el canvi tècnic esbiaixat a favor del treball qualificat, la globalització (comerç i migracions) i els factors institucionals, estarien ja incorporats en l’evolució de la composició de la força de treball en termes de qualificacions. La limitada evidència empírica sobre aquest tema, tendeix a donar suport a la Corba de Kuznets Allargada.

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[cat] Les darreres dècades s’han caracteritzat per un intens augment de les desigualtats salarials a nivell mundial. Aquest article allarga la hipòtesi clàssica de la Corba de Kuznets per cobrir les economies post-industrials i tractar d’explicar aquest fenomen. Segons la hipòtesi de la Corba de Kuznets Allargada, les desigualtats salarials podrien evolucionar segons una corba en forma d’N. La U-inverida d’aquesta corba seria deguda al procés de canvi estructural que acompanya a un procés de industrialització. I l’extrem dret de la mateixa, associada al creixement explosiu de la formació de capital humà en les economies modernes i post-industrials. En aquest sentit, els principals candidats per explicar el recent augment de les desigualtats: el canvi tècnic esbiaixat a favor del treball qualificat, la globalització (comerç i migracions) i els factors institucionals, estarien ja incorporats en l’evolució de la composició de la força de treball en termes de qualificacions. La limitada evidència empírica sobre aquest tema, tendeix a donar suport a la Corba de Kuznets Allargada.

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Immersos plenament en la societat de la informació resulta gairebé imprescindible analitzar l'impacte que està tenint el trànsit de la societat post-industrial a la societat xarxa, sobretot en termes educatius. En aquest sentit, el llibre que es presenta sintetitza els resultats d'un estudi sense precedents a Catalunya: El projecte Internet Catalunya (PIC).

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En aquest treball s’analitzen els processos de suburbanització que es produeixen al sistema urbà de Lleida (Lleida ciutat i la seva primera corona de municipis) al llarg dels últims vint anys. Aquesta suburbanització (creixement més gran de la primera corona a través bàsicament del trasllat de la població i d’ activitats econòmiques del nucli principal cap a altres nuclis perifèrics) s’observa a partir de l’estudi i el treball de tres fonts: l’evolució de la població, els certificats finals d’obra (construcció de nous habitatges i tipologia d’aquests) i les migracions internes o canvis residencials. A la vegada també es construeix un marc teòric on s’analitza el que han dit diversos autors sobre l’evolució de la urbanització en la ciutat post industrial i el cicle de vida de les ciutats. En resum, la conjugació d’aquests dos apartats, anàlisi de les dades i marc teòric, ha permès definir i analitzar els nous processos de suburbanització al sistema urbà de Lleida on es produeix, especialment a partir de mitjans dels 90 un procés de descentralització relativa que implica la pèrdua de centralitat de la ciutat central. En el treball es quantifica i qualifica el nou procés que es defineix com a: intensiu, pels ritmes de producció d’habitatges que s’assoleixen; extensiu, per la quantitat de municipis i sòl que s’afecta; i selectiu , ja que en el mercat d’habitatge únic que configuren ara els municipis del sistema, els nuclis semblen especialitzar la seva producció atraient segments molt determinats de població.

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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On the political economy of development and the contribution of services. This paper aims to ponder on recent approaches to Political Economy of Development, that bring about new concepts about the role of services activities in the economic development process. The analysis begins by checking the new attributions of services entailed by the productive paradigm changes that have occurred since the 1970's. Then, it examines the debate about the new kind of society, called "post-industrial", which is centered in the services dynamics. Finally, it discusses the relevance of social capital disponibility, as a prime factor to attain economic development