915 resultados para Post-Second World War


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This article aims at the application of semiotic theory of French line to soap advertisements publicized in the magazine O Cruzeiro in the year 1949. Our objective is to reconstruct the women’s figure present in these texts and to establish its relation to the persuasion of the reader who is led to acquire not only the products, but mainly the values hidden in the announced objects. From the theory we use the generative course of meaning, focusing on the discourse level and assimilating the consumption axiologies proposed by each advertisement. Finally, we intend to assimilate the standard behavior of that society post-Second World War.

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Several commentators have expressed disappointment with New Labour's apparent adherence to the policy frameworks of the previous Conservative administrations. The employment orientation of its welfare programmes, the contradictory nature of the social exclusion initiatives, and the continuing obsession with public sector marketisation, inspections, audits, standards and so on, have all come under critical scrutiny (c.f., Blyth 2001; Jordan 2001; Orme 2001). This paper suggests that in order to understand the socio-economic and political contexts affecting social work we need to examine the relationship between New Labour's modernisation project and its insertion within an architecture of global governance. In particular, membership of the European Union (EU), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) set the parameters for domestic policy in important ways. Whilst much has been written about the economic dimensions of 'globalisation' in relation to social work rather less has been noted about the ways in which domestic policy agenda are driven by multilateral governance objectives. This policy dimension is important in trying to respond to various changes affecting social work as a professional activity. What is possible, what is encouraged, how things might be done, is tightly bounded by the policy frameworks governing practice and affected by those governing the lives of service users. It is unhelpful to see policy formulation in purely national terms as the UK is inserted into a network governance structure, a regulatory framework where decisions are made by many countries and organisations and agencies. Together, they are producing a 'new legal regime', characterised by a marked neo-liberal policy agenda. This paper aims to demonstrate the relationship of New Labour's modernisation programme to these new forms of legality by examining two main policy areas and the welfare implications they are enmeshed in. The first is privatisation, and the second is social policy in the European Union. Examining these areas allows a demonstration of how much of the New Labour programme can be understood as a local implementation of a transnational strategy, how parts of that strategy produce much of the social exclusion it purports to address, and how social welfare, and particularly social work, are noticeable by their absence within policy discourses of the strategy. The paper details how the privatisation programme is considered to be a crucial vehicle for the further development of a transnational political-economy, where capital accumulation has been redefined as 'welfare'. In this development, frameworks, codes and standards are central, and the final section of the paper examines how the modernisation strategy of the European Union depends upon social policy marked by an employment orientation and risk rationality, aimed at reconfiguring citizen identities.The strategy is governed through an 'open mode of coordination', in which codes, standards, benchmarks and so on play an important role. The paper considers the modernisation strategy and new legality within which it is embedded as dependent upon social policy as a technology of liberal governance, one demonstrating a new rationality in comparison to that governing post-Second World War welfare, and which aims to reconfigure institutional infrastructure and citizen identity.

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El presente artículo corresponde a una revisión de los principales postulados del nacionalismo político chileno post Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la implantación del régimen militar en Chile. Se pretende constatar la inexistencia de un proyecto político definido que permitiera convertirlo en una opción válida para el gobierno militar frente a la propuesta neoliberal.

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The paper shows the design process of Nagele, a Dutch modernist agrarian settlement designed during the Post-Second World War period by the internationally recognized group of architects De 8 en Opbouw: Rietveld, Van Eesteren, Merkelbach, van Eyck, Bakema, Stam, Ruys, etc. It is located in the Noordoostpolder (NOP), in the Flevoland province, which was entirely reclaimed from the sea. The country planning of the Noodoostpolder reveals a high rationalization in the disposal of roads, canals, cities, agrarian land and forests, which can be an inspiration for the cities of today. The configurational elements of Nagele must be understood in terms of their relationship to the overall system of the polder. Important territorial principles in structure, form and landscape can be seen in the project of Nagele. This relationship is an additional example of the continuing transformation that the entire length and breadth of The Netherlands in subjected to. The research developed to date reveals a plan which shows the evolution of functionalistic paradigm at the CIAM postwar congresses. The particular case of Nagele points to the incorporation of human scale, green design and social co-existence. The source of these theories mainly came from Aldo van Eyck, who played an important role during the second phase of design. The research will be developed analyzing his drawings and texts and will show the way his theories appear in the project. Can Nagele be a materialization of Van Eyck¿s ideas? Nagele constitutes one of the most outstanding contributions to modern urban planning as far as both urbanism and landscape, are at the service of human well-being. Not only were urban independently designed parts, but their relationships also formed a perfect urban whole.

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O presente trabalho tem por finalidade apresentar uma contribuição teórica para os estudos de defesa, tendo como objeto de análise os livros brancos e também demais documentos oficiais relacionados ao tema. Inspirado no realismo neoclássico e nos conceitos estruturalistas empreendeu-se uma pesquisa quantitativa da dinâmica dos processos de elaboração da política declarada de defesa e seu correspondente alinhamento na construção ou desconstrução das estruturas de defesa no Pós-Segunda Grande Guerra, com vistas a compreender os novos caminhos que os sistemas de defesa selecionaram nesse início de século. Os documentos oficiais de defesa surgiram com escopo principal de promover a estabilidade e reduzir as incertezas no ambiente internacional, e pôde ser verificado que a difusão, desses documentos, ocorreu por ondas, durante o período da Guerra Fria, no Pós-Guerra Fria e depois dos atentados de 11 de setembro. A pesquisa também teve por escopo apresentar fatores domésticos e externos que contribuíram ou não para a difusão da documentação e também para a orientação doutrinária de defesa, usando como método de pesquisa o teste de Wald e a técnica implementada por Benoit, Laver e Garry, que desenvolveram uma forma de análise de textos políticos com auxílio de programa de computador, para estimar o posicionamento de cada documento por meio da contagem de palavras. Em que pese à pesquisa ser basicamente quantitativa, foram produzidos dois capítulos essencialmente qualitativos que tiveram o objetivo de prover os instrumentos quantitativos com um necessário arcabouço teórico, sendo feita uma análise mais qualitativa em 52 documentos de defesa e uma discussão teórica entre as principais correntes de pensamento que tratam do tema defesa. E por fim buscou-se atestar a validade desses documentos de defesa quanto aos propósitos que se destinam.

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This article inquires into a neglected but crucial feature of the works of Lorenzo Luzuriaga: his analysis and criticism of the processes of internationalisation in education which marked the post- Second World War period and which coincided with his long Argentine exile. In particular, the article analyses – through a discussion of his initial appreciation and following criticisms in regard to UNESCO’s normative guidelines and educative practices – the philosophical premises and the political implications of his last educative proposals. These will be shown to be conceived in tight connection and continuity with his preceding works. Moreover, this investigation will permit to recognize the remarkable contribution he offered to the enhancement of José Ortega y Gasset’s pedagogical theory within a changed political context characterised by a unique attempt of defining and institutionalising new values for a global education aimed to promote world peace.A paradigmatic historical event that still grounds the current debate on the nature and purposes of citizenship education and in which the active, social and political education proposed by Luzuriaga still constitutes an interesting critical reference

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Taking on the challenge of understanding and explaining the Symphony of (today’s) New World in realistic terms (not realist), this essay aims to analyse the Post-Cold war era by devising a multi-conceptual framework that combines different theoretical contributions not yet linked in a fully explanatory way. This paper suggests two inter-related analytical contexts (or background melodies) to understand Dvorak´s "New World”. First, the socio-economic structural context that falls under the controversial category of Globalization and, second, the post-modern political structural context that is built on Robert Cooper’s threefold analysis (Pre-modern, Modern and Post-modern) of today’s world [Cooper, R: 1997, 1999]. Lastly, the closing movement (allegro con fuoco) enters the normative arena to assess American foreign policy options in the light of the theoretical framework devised in the first part of the essay.

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The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.

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Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides.

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During the last two years of World War I food supply in Switzerland declined and caused shortcomings in consume, leading to social distress and conflict. Mainly two important factors caused these problems: First, Switzerland was highly dependent on food imports and during the war traditional supply lines faded. Second, weather extremes in the years 1916–1917 caused crop failure all over Europe and North America, which intensified the decline of food trade between the nations. In 1918 a conflict between classic urban consumers, such as workers, and famers erupted due to the food shortcomings and led to a lasting discord between urban and agrarian regions in Switzerland. But there was not only disharmony and conflict between the urban and agrarian regions. As a matter of fact several agents (urban and agrarian) interested in presenting adequate coping strategies to overcome the food shortages developed ideas of alternative ways of food production and supply since 1917. The aim of the paper is to outline these strategies that were undertaken to create a new era of food production that was not solely dependent on the agrarian sector or the import-trade. Actual growing of vegetables in estate areas is an important, but just one, factor of establishing a new system of food production, distribution and consume. The market-leading grocery stores in Switzerland nowadays (Coop and Migros) started their business during that time as co-operatives establishing new forms of distribution and food-production. So the interest of the paper is not only in actual «urban farming», but it wants to share some light on how swiss urban and agrarian spheres overlapped their functions in order to create a modern system of agro food-chains at the beginning of the interwar period.