969 resultados para Political transition


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Este trabalho dedica-se ao estudo das décadas de 1980 e 1990 no Brasil, a partir da transição política, mas procurando abordar também seus desdobramentos que se materializaram, em grande parte, nos anos 1990. A abordagem baseia-se no estabelecimento de relações entre as mudanças políticas, em suas possibilidades e seus limites, e no cotidiano de instituições penitenciárias do Estado de São Paulo inicialmente, e posteriormente em uma região específica, o Oeste Paulista. Chegou-se assim à identificação das diferentes temporalidades próprias de cada uma delas, por vezes materializadas em fissuras no processo de democratização que envolvia o debate acerca dos direitos humanos, além da identificação das relações de poder comuns e específicas.

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This paper has the imaginary names as a theme, from which we aim to analyze the imaginaries and invested interests that characterized the implementation and the legitimation of the First Republic in Rio Grande do Norte (1889 1930), making the process of registering names history in that place. For the construction of our object, we studied laws and provincial, state and municipal decrees; annual messages of governors; articles of the following newspapers O Povo, A República, Diário do Natal, O Seridoense, A Notícia and Jornal das Moças; the local cartography and historiography that talk about the study of names. The use of these resources, allied to the empiric method, was driven by a theoretic methodological contribution based on the history of the political imaginary, as discussed by Cornelius Castoriadis, René Rémond, Michel de Certeau and Maria Dick. For the understanding of the imaginaries that (de)limited the spaces of Rio Grande do Norte concerning its names during the First Republic, we bring moment back to the two last imperial decades moment of cleavage between Empire and Republic essential for the fomentation of the imaginary that embodied the organization of our study. From this period, we observe, through the names of some cities, how the northern space would be aligned to the imaginary dynamic of the new political system of the nation, and it had followed to a redirection process of the giving names action, according to the interests of the family organization Albuquerque Maranhão, revealed while determining the names of cities, towns, streets, schools, buildings, etc., in thankfulness to the memory of its members. In the sequence we verified how a new dynamic of giving names helped to understand the process of political transition from the Coast to the Sertão, and at the same time affirmed the power of the political and economical seridoense elite towards the government of the state in the two last decades of the First Republic

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

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The main objective of this study is to reveal the housing patterns in Cairo as one of the most rapidly urbanizing city in the developing world. The study outlines the evolution of the housing problem and its influencing factors in Egypt generally and in Cairo specifically. The study takes into account the political transition from the national state economy to the open door policy, the neo-liberal period and finally to the housing situation after the January 2011 Revolution. The resulting housing patterns in Cairo Governorate were identified as (1) squatter settlements, (2) semi-informal settlements, (3) deteriorated inner pockets, and (4) formal settlements. rnThe study concluded that the housing patterns in Cairo are reflecting a multifaceted problem resulting in: (1) the imbalance between the high demand for affordable housing units for low-income families and the oversupply of upper-income housing, (2) the vast expansion of informal areas both on agricultural and desert lands, (3) the deterioration of the old parts of Cairo without upgrading or appropriate replacement of the housing structure, and (4) the high vacancy rate of newly constructed apartmentsrnThe evolution and development of the current housing problem were attributed to a number of factors. These factors are demographic factors represented in the rapid growth of the population associated with urbanization under the dictates of poverty, and the progressive increase of the prices of both buildable land and building materials. The study underlined that the current pattern of population density in Cairo Governorate is a direct result of the current housing problems. Around the depopulation core of the city, a ring of relatively stable areas in terms of population density has developed. Population densification, at the expense of the depopulation core, is characterizing the peripheries of the city. The population density in relation to the built-up area was examined using Landsat-7 ETM+ image (176/039). The image was acquired on 24 August 2006 and considered as an ideal source for land cover classification in Cairo since it is compatible with the population census 2006.rnConsidering that the socio-economic setting is a driving force of change of housing demand and that it is an outcome of the accumulated housing problems, the socio-economic deprivations of the inhabitants of Cairo Governorate are analyzed. Small administrative units in Cairo are categorized into four classes based on the Socio-Economic Opportunity Index (SEOI). This index is developed by using multiple domains focusing on the economic, educational and health situation of the residential population. The results show four levels of deprivation which are consistent with the existing housing patterns. Informal areas on state owned land are included in the first category, namely, the “severely deprived” level. Ex-formal areas or deteriorated inner pockets are characterized as “deprived” urban quarters. Semi-informal areas on agricultural land concentrate in the third category of “medium deprived” settlements. Formal or planned areas are included mostly in the fourth category of the “less deprived” parts of Cairo Governorate. rnFor a better understanding of the differences and similarities among the various housing patterns, four areas based on the smallest administrative units of shiakhat were selected for a detailed study. These areas are: (1) El-Ma’desa is representing a severely deprived squatter settlement, (2) Ain el-Sira is an example for an ex-formal deprived area, (3) El-Marg el-Qibliya was selected as a typical semi-informal and medium deprived settlement, and (4) El-Nozha is representing a formal and less deprived area.rnThe analysis at shiakhat level reveals how the socio-economic characteristics and the unregulated urban growth are greatly reflected in the morphological characteristics of the housing patterns in terms of street network and types of residential buildings as well as types of housing tenure. It is also reflected in the functional characteristics in terms of land use mix and its degree of compatibility. It is concluded that the provision and accessibility to public services represents a performance measure of the dysfunctional structure dominating squatter and semi-informal settlements on one hand and ample public services and accessibility in formal areas on the other hand.rn

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This project had a dual aim: first to survey the (scanty) literature on interpretive communities, and second to apply the concept in a specific context, i.e. in current Hungarian literature. Interpretive communities are closely linked to one of the most disputed issues of literary and theoretical discourse to date, namely canonicity. Not only is the body of the canon selected, presented and interpreted by a specific interpretive community (that of the professionals), but the production of theories themselves, including the theory of interpretive communities and of the canon, is part and parcel of professional interpreters' activity. Thus, while belonging to an interpretive community is a function of other interpretive communities, the entire conceptual system of interpretive communities is a function of a specific (professional) community. Literature in the period of political transition is characterised not only (and not necessarily) by the transitional nature of literary works or literary discourse, but rather by continuous debates about canon and interpretive communities, and here Kalman carried out a number of case studies of current discussions of this nature in Hungary.

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This project examined the change in values in the still unfinished transitional period in Serbia during the 1990s and compared it with Greece in the same period. During this period the social and political transition affected the ruling value system primarily through changes in the modes of the production and representation of reality. The most remarkable trait of this period in Serbia is the parallel and interweaving existence of different value systems. The very perception of reality has been blurred by the emergence of a very complex technical and ideological structure. Reality is presented by and through extensions and additions, the models of which are language and media. With the development of media technology and global communication and information systems, representation has become the only available reality. This enables the media to overtly and unlimitedly intervene in reality, to manage and change it without constraint and thus have a direct impact on values. The difference between public and private is abolished, so the media start promoting exclusive collective values. However, since the collective thus loses its counterpart, it itself needs to be redefined. This confusion of values make the possible results of their change uncertain. It will either open up a space for multiculturalism and social pluralism and thus completely replace the old systems of values, or result in an indefinite survival of different, often contradictory, value systems and conceptions of reality, which often lead to all forms of exclusivity and intolerance.

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Promoting sustainable development in the high mountain region of the Tajik Pamirs is a great challenge in political, economic, social, and ecological terms. The Pamirs, along with other mountain regions in the former Soviet Union, have been particularly affected by economic and political transition after 1991. Using an innovative apporach, the Pamir Strategy Project (PSP) supported stakeholders in their search of solutions an in developing strategies to address the manifold problems they face in their mountain region. The project also contributed to the development of methodological approaches for other mountain regions. The present publication provides a summary of the outcomes of the PSP. It portrays life in the Pamirs, along with development challenges and options, and presents practical an participatory approaches that can lead to sustainable mountain development. In addition, this publication outlines the lessons learnt within the PSP by presenting and evaluationg methods and apporaches such as participatory villages studies, multi-level stakeholder workshops for strategy development, knowledge generation processes, and Geographic Information Systmes as decision support tools for sustainable mountain development.

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, a number of actors started to engage in the power struggle for the opportunities to shape the new order in successive nation-states. In Serbia and Georgia historically hegemonic Orthodox Christian churches were among the firsts in the frontlines for political and economic power. More than a decade has passed since the so-called Coloured Revolutions in Georgia and Serbia, and the Orthodox churches still remain participants of an ongoing socio-political transition of these states. The revival of public role of religion appeared temporary in Serbia followed by a gradual decline of an influence of the Orthodox Church over political life and legal process. However, in Georgia the public and political role of religion increased rather than declined albeit changed shape. Examining the degree to which the two Orthodox churches can influence the political agenda in Serbia and Georgia, the paper attempts to understand how church-State relations work in practice. By bringing rich empirical data from the field (70 interviews with (arch)bishops, priests and religious clerics in Georgia and Serbia added to field observations), the paper reflects on the themes under which the two Orthodox churches mobilize public protest in Serbia and Georgia. The paper further looks at varying State responses and their broader implication for church-state problematique.

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En este artículo se abordará la problemática transición política producida en la provincia de Buenos Aires luego de la batalla de Caseros en febrero de 1852 y el impacto que generó en la campaña. Partimos del siguiente argumento: la intervención política de los habitantes rurales y el grado de dependencia/independencia de sus reclamos se explica en gran medida a través del entramado de relaciones de poder (complejo y cambiante) que se construyó en cada pueblo. En primera instancia, la atención estará puesta en las diferentes expresiones políticas que se manifestaron en el vecindario de la Guardia de Luján durante el rosismo y las repercusiones del día después. Luego, se estudiará el pronunciamiento del General Hilario Lagos del 1º de diciembre de 1852 y la participación del vecindario. Por último, se reseñaran las repercusiones locales producto del derrocamiento de Juan Manuel de Rosas

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En este artículo se abordará la problemática transición política producida en la provincia de Buenos Aires luego de la batalla de Caseros en febrero de 1852 y el impacto que generó en la campaña. Partimos del siguiente argumento: la intervención política de los habitantes rurales y el grado de dependencia/independencia de sus reclamos se explica en gran medida a través del entramado de relaciones de poder (complejo y cambiante) que se construyó en cada pueblo. En primera instancia, la atención estará puesta en las diferentes expresiones políticas que se manifestaron en el vecindario de la Guardia de Luján durante el rosismo y las repercusiones del día después. Luego, se estudiará el pronunciamiento del General Hilario Lagos del 1º de diciembre de 1852 y la participación del vecindario. Por último, se reseñaran las repercusiones locales producto del derrocamiento de Juan Manuel de Rosas

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En este artículo se abordará la problemática transición política producida en la provincia de Buenos Aires luego de la batalla de Caseros en febrero de 1852 y el impacto que generó en la campaña. Partimos del siguiente argumento: la intervención política de los habitantes rurales y el grado de dependencia/independencia de sus reclamos se explica en gran medida a través del entramado de relaciones de poder (complejo y cambiante) que se construyó en cada pueblo. En primera instancia, la atención estará puesta en las diferentes expresiones políticas que se manifestaron en el vecindario de la Guardia de Luján durante el rosismo y las repercusiones del día después. Luego, se estudiará el pronunciamiento del General Hilario Lagos del 1º de diciembre de 1852 y la participación del vecindario. Por último, se reseñaran las repercusiones locales producto del derrocamiento de Juan Manuel de Rosas