815 resultados para Political prisoners
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Translation of: Le mie prigioni.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Introd. signed: Bogdan Svobodny.
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"These chapters appeared in Irish freedom in 1912-13."
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El propósito de este trabajo es investigar los motivos, anhelos, sueños, deseos que llevan a un grupo de entre 20 y 25 ex presos políticos a reunirse semanalmente en el local del sindicato Luz y Fuerza, Córdoba. Optamos por entrevistar a quienes daban la sensación de ser más participativos o más explícitos, en la elección procuramos que hubiesen casi por igual miembros de las dos organizaciones mayoritarias en el pasado: Montoneros y Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores. El celo a la hora de elegir se entronca con las subculturas que emergieron de las organizaciones. Otro aspecto observado es la cuestión de género, mujeres y hombres, equitativamente incorporados, se constituyeron en narradores.2 En la ciudad mediterránea hubo alrededor de dos mil detenidos por causas políticas a partir de la dictadura que iniciara Jorge Rafael Videla. La curiosidad social es acicateada por el número exiguo de ex-represaliados que constituyen la comisión de presos políticos, que entre otras tareas peticiona ante las autoridades solicitando reivindicaciones a raíz de su condición de ex detenidos, organizan eventos sociales y políticos, gestionan los ex centros de detención convertidos en "museos de la memoria", impulsan los juicios contra los ex represores, editan publicaciones. Concurrimos a las reuniones semanales, a asados, "locreadas"; empleamos en las investigaciones la observación participante. La participación se dio en eventos, en compartir ruedas de mate en la casa de los entrevistados, íntimas ruedas de café, por un fenómeno de indexicalidad en relación con el discurso ideológico pudimos avanzar en la profundidad de la conversación. Además, de las entrevistas en profundidad, analizamos material periodístico y material escrito por los detenidos; cuando la emoción del entrevistado dificultaba la conversación, en algunos casos nos remitieron a elaboraciones suyas sobre la situación planteada.. Nos favoreció, en el trabajo, el hecho de haber participado en la vida política, y el tener familiares que lucharon junto a los ex-represaliados. A pesar de ello no fue fácil llegar a subjetividades que hacía largo tiempo se hallaban abroqueladas. Mead e Erving Goffman nos acompañaron en el camino de reconocimiento de los selfs en la dramaturgia montada en el local de Luz y Fuerza
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Comparatively few contemporary writers have accompanied American POWs home from Hanoi, been arrested on the White House Lawn, or been dragged off in shackles to serve time in the Greenwich Village Women's House of Detention. Paley's pacifist, socialist politics are also deeply rooted in a family past where memories were still fresh of Tsarist oppression - one uncle shot dead carrying the red flag, and parents who reached America only because the Tsar had a son and amnestied all political prisoners under the age of twenty-one. At this point, Paley's father (imprisoned in Archangel) and her mother (in exile) took their chances (and all their surviving relatives) and very sensibly ran for their lives. Her grandmother recalled family arguments around the table between Paley's father (Socialist), Uncle Grisha (Communist), Aunt Luba (Zionist), and Aunt Mira (also Communist). Paley's own street-wise adolescence involved the usual teenage gang fights, between adherents of the Third and Fourth Internationals. This article is copyright MHRA 2001, and is included in this repository with permission.
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The denial of civil rights to convicts has a long history. Its origins lie in the idea of ‘civil death’. Convicts who were not punished by execution would instead suffer civil death which stripped them of inheritance, family and political rights (Davidson, 2004). In Australia and internationally the removal of prisoners’ voting rights has been a controversial topic which has been a subject of much debate and a number of legislation changes (Davidson, 2004). This article argues that even though the latest amendment to the Australian Electoral legislation is, on the face of it, democratic and inclusive, it is in fact a denial of prisoners’ civil rights, which has its roots in the concept of civil death. My argument is in keeping with the themes of the Crime and Governance thematic group and focuses on my research interests in sociology of deviance, social reactions to crime, and socio-legal topics.
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Previous research evidence appears to suggest that while they suffer from similiar socio-economic problems to the wider nationalist community, the problems for republican ex-prisoners seem to be on a greater scale. The primary objective of this research was to investigate the current obstacles facing republication ex-prisoners in training and employment and to make proposals for change.
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In the popular mind, the concept of 'emigration' usually refers to people voluntarily leaving one country to go to another in search of a new and better life. It presupposes some degree of choice, although it is accepted that for many emigrants, such as those who left Ireland during the nineteenth century, there were few incentives to stay at home. Current scholarship on voluntary and forced movements of people demonstrates that the distinction between the categories of 'voluntary emigrant' and 'forced exile' is often blurred. Orm Overland's study of refugee communities in the United States highlights the fact that, although the differences between the 'emigrant' and the 'exile' may be clear in extreme cases, this is not always true, as there may be 'pressing political or economic reasons behind a decision to emigrate'. Migration scholars Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen also question the adequacy of conceptual models of migration based on what Lindsay Proudfoot and Dianne Hall refer to as the 'straightforward binarism between free and unfree emigration'. The questions raised by these scholars are very relevant to the study of Irish people who left their country during the second half of the nineteenth century immediately after they had been discharged from prison or from Dundrum. Their stories are discussed here against a background of substantial scholarship on emigration from Ireland and on the criminal justice system within Ireland. According to David Fitzpatrick, at least eight million men, women and children emigrated from Ireland between 1801 and 1921. This large-scale movement of people was generally characterised by the voluntary emigration of individuals who funded their own passages. However, it also included schemes of assisted emigration, funded variously by governments, landlords, the poor law authorities, earlier emigrants, and philanthropists. In addition, it included people who were transported from Ireland by means of the criminal justice system a practice that had originated in the seventeenth century. What is less well known is that after the end of transportation from Ireland to eastern Australia in 1853, to Bermuda in 1863 and to Western Australia in 1868, Irish convicts continued to be channelled towards emigration by being offered early release if they agreed to leave Ireland. These people, and especially the women among them, are the subject of this article.