931 resultados para Political development


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Muchos de los estudios existentes sobre la acción sindical y política de la clase trabajadora argentina redujeron su historia al devenir organizativo y político de la CGT (Confederación General del Trabajo) a nivel nacional. Sin embargo, hace ya algunas décadas se viene extendiendo la idea de realizar abordajes más amplios de la clase obrera, y no reducirla a sus direcciones. Entonces tomar nuevamente a la dirección sindical es un desafío para pensar de qué hablamos cuando utilizamos conceptos como burocracia sindical. La propuesta de este trabajo es indagar sobre ciertas dinámicas de la dirección sindical de la central trabajadora platense. Tanto mirando a su interior como hacia aspectos de su relación con la dirección nacional de la CGT, se verá como se entran en juego lógicas económicas, políticas y corporativas. Aquí encontraremos estas fuerzas en una tensión constante donde las tendencias burocráticas, que implican la predominancia del aparato sobre la expresión otros intereses, presionan pero no se terminan de asentar, al menos durante el período tratado.

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El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".

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Muchos de los estudios existentes sobre la acción sindical y política de la clase trabajadora argentina redujeron su historia al devenir organizativo y político de la CGT (Confederación General del Trabajo) a nivel nacional. Sin embargo, hace ya algunas décadas se viene extendiendo la idea de realizar abordajes más amplios de la clase obrera, y no reducirla a sus direcciones. Entonces tomar nuevamente a la dirección sindical es un desafío para pensar de qué hablamos cuando utilizamos conceptos como burocracia sindical. La propuesta de este trabajo es indagar sobre ciertas dinámicas de la dirección sindical de la central trabajadora platense. Tanto mirando a su interior como hacia aspectos de su relación con la dirección nacional de la CGT, se verá como se entran en juego lógicas económicas, políticas y corporativas. Aquí encontraremos estas fuerzas en una tensión constante donde las tendencias burocráticas, que implican la predominancia del aparato sobre la expresión otros intereses, presionan pero no se terminan de asentar, al menos durante el período tratado.

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El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".

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El período histórico que va desde mediados de la década del cincuenta a mediados de los setenta, representa uno de los más importantes momentos de la lucha de clases abierta en nuestro país, proceso que fue acompañado por la emergencia de numerosas organizaciones revolucionarias con características novedosas respecto a los tradicionales representantes de la izquierda. Dentro del conjunto de lo que se ha denominado la "izquierda peronista", la indiscutible presencia mayoritaria de los Montoneros, ha opacado la actuación de otras organizaciones, entre ellas las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas-Peronismo de Base. En este trabajo abordaremos cuestiones referentes a: 1) su evolución político-ideológica; 2) la relación lucha política-lucha sindical - lucha armada; 3) su particular forma organizativa; 4) la manera de resolver la combinación de peronismo y marxismo; y 5) su vinculación con la clase obrera. Veremos que este último punto será el eje sobre el que girarán las demás cuestiones, en razón del objetivo estratégico que se fue perfilando a lo largo de su desarrollo político: del regreso de Perón a la creación de "poder obrero".

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Muchos de los estudios existentes sobre la acción sindical y política de la clase trabajadora argentina redujeron su historia al devenir organizativo y político de la CGT (Confederación General del Trabajo) a nivel nacional. Sin embargo, hace ya algunas décadas se viene extendiendo la idea de realizar abordajes más amplios de la clase obrera, y no reducirla a sus direcciones. Entonces tomar nuevamente a la dirección sindical es un desafío para pensar de qué hablamos cuando utilizamos conceptos como burocracia sindical. La propuesta de este trabajo es indagar sobre ciertas dinámicas de la dirección sindical de la central trabajadora platense. Tanto mirando a su interior como hacia aspectos de su relación con la dirección nacional de la CGT, se verá como se entran en juego lógicas económicas, políticas y corporativas. Aquí encontraremos estas fuerzas en una tensión constante donde las tendencias burocráticas, que implican la predominancia del aparato sobre la expresión otros intereses, presionan pero no se terminan de asentar, al menos durante el período tratado.

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En 1929 aparece el primer número de AA (L’architecture d’aujourd’hui), en 1932 existe un número-Monografía sobre los hermanos Perret, escrita por Pierre Vago, en 1946 se consolida como revista mensual y bajo la fundación de Andre Bloc. El primer número de AA que tengo en mi biblioteca es el número 34 (febrero-Marzo) de 1951. Mediante la lectura observada de una colección como AA, la determinación de unos capítulos representativos y la elección de imágenes de su tiempo se explican estos 57 años de arquitectura, cuyos resultados de un proceso temporal disfrutamos desde hace aproximadamente veinte años. A principio de los años cincuenta un grupo de jóvenes arquitectos, denso e intercomunicado en los congresos CIAM se propone situar la realidad de la arquitectura en los principios y realidades de su tiempo y de los que se intuyen futuro. Resultados de la Segunda Gran Guerra no son solo tragedias humanas sino gran investigación y desarrollo concretada industrialmente, enormes movimientos de personas en Europa y una sociedad enormemente optimista en USA, todo esto producirá las grandes transformaciones sociales de los 60’ y sus concreciones tecnológicas, políticas y desarrollo. Muchos arquitectos, publicaciones, concursos o decisiones políticas o privadas han producido el catalogo de arquitecturas de estos años, desde el CIAM IX hasta el POMPIDOU, desde la casa GEHRY hasta el KUNSTHAL, desde BRASILIA hasta SIDNEY, desde COPLEJIDAD Y CONTRADICCIÓN hasta DELIRIOS DE NY, desde OSAKA hasta MUNICH. En todas han existido un esfuerzo enorme por concretar la realidad de nuestras aspiraciones desde las puramente ideológicas de introspección social, hasta las concreciones de imagen directa. Varias líneas he abierto en mi proceso de investigación, las he llamado “anillos” porque todas estas líneas tienen similitud con los “anillos de crecimiento” de los árboles en cuanto a como se presentan en la estructura de formación y ha la cantidad de información no solo interna sino externa que aportan sobre la estructura árbol, su medio y la historia. Igual que podemos saber las temperaturas o las pluviometría que cubrieron Europa en la edad media solo estudiando los anillos de crecimiento de nuestro árboles (su grosor), de igual forma repasando LOS CONCURSOS y sus resultados que existieron en los últimos cincuenta años, podemos entender las aspiraciones y concreciones de las sociedades y sus arquitectos en este tiempo. Cuatro capítulos, los mas determinantes son los elegidos para dar cuerpo a una TESIS de tamaño capaz: Las ideas, el futuro, las referencias y el presente son los capítulos que de forma visual intentan explicar el fruto arquitectónico, sus aspiraciones y sus concreciones. Las ideas sin ninguna duda, pertenecen a los padres de nuestro tiempo, son las del Team X, la reflexión sobre lo perecedero, las realidades programáticas, densidades o lo publico-privado son solo planetas en el universo de sus ideas. El futuro lo trazaron aquellos que empezaron a investigar, concretar o reflexionar sobre la incidencia tanto de los procesos industriales con sus nuevos materiales como de las nuevas concreciones urbanas que los movimientos migratorios producirían en las ciudades. Las referencias son las bibliotecas de carácter informativo-visual que han generado nuestro inventario icónico. El presente son las imágenes de referencia de nuestro tiempo-mediático, no solo las produce un arquitecto (en este caso R.Koolhas), pero si que es verdad que en las imágenes arquitectónicas de OMA se concreta todo el catalogo de arquitecturas del presente. ENGLISH SUMMARY The fisrt AA (l´Architecture d´Aujourd´hui) issue was published in 1929, three years later, in 1932, a monographic issue on Perret brothers was written by Pierre Vago and in 1946 the magazine was strongly established as a monthly publication under the direction of André Bloc. The oldest copy I own on my bookshelves is nº 34 printed in February-March 1951. While carefully reading a collection such as AA we are able to extract representative chapters and images that can explain a linear process lasting 57 years of fruitful architectural production of which consequences we have been enjoying the past twenty years. In the early fifties a compact group of young architects linked by the CIAM congress decided to encompass architectural reality to the needs and principles of their time. Not only big human tragedies arose from the Second World War but also some of the fastest industrial inventions due to a powerful will to development, that altogether with european migrations and a high standard of optimism in the United States headed to the peak transformations of the sixties and their technological and political development. A bunch of architects, magazines and architectural competitions sided by political and private decisions produced the architectural catalogue of those years, from CIAM IX to the Pompidou art centre, from Gerhy´s house to the Kunsthal museum, from Brasilia to Sidney, from “Complexity and Contradiction“ to “Delirious NY” and from Osaka all the way to Munich. All of them carried a vast effort towards the concretion of will, from social introspection to a more effective development of images. Several paths run across my investigation, namely “the rings”, as they tend to behave as a growing structure like a tree trunk, providing internal and external information not only of the vegetal element but also of the environment and events crossing its time. In the same direction as we are able to predict the weather in the Middle Age by means of studying our forests, we can use the architectural competitions ant their results for the past fifty years to understand the will and ambitions of these developing societies and their architects. To give shape to a sizeable thesis the selected information has been packed in four chapters: Ideas, Future, References and Present, each of them structured as an Image bank visualizing the architectural product, its will and specific ambition. The first group, Ideas, is devoted entirely to the step-fathers of present architecture, with ideas that belong to TEAM X and embrace the reflection about the transitory, the programmatic reality, density or the public-private debate as wandering planets of their ideal universe. The second group is dedicated to a Future that was traced by those engaged on industrial processes and new material investigation together with some others exploring new urban concretions brought to existence by the pressure of the after war migrations. The third group, References, have been shaped as a stock-list containing all our iconic cross-references. The last group, Present, brings together the icons of this media-time we live in and not only those produced by one single architect (Rem Koolhaas) even if his production embodies all architectural references at the moment.

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Sandinista ideology and its political culture are born in 1927, with the refusal of the Pacto del Espino Negro by Augusto César Sandino, while its disappearance can be placed in 1999, date of the signature of the Liberal-Sandinista pact with which –effectively- the two main protagonist of nicaraguan politics at that time, Daniel Ortega and Arnoldo Alemán, halt the democratization process of Nicaragua, so putting on ice also its political development. Meanwhile, in the lapse of time between these two pacts, the most intense, feverish, dramatic and participated period of political history of the Central American country develops: an anti-imperialist guerrilla warfare ended in a bloodbath; a dynastic dictatorship of predatory authoritarianism for more than 40 years; a popular revolution that throws down the dictatorship; a decade of revolutionary government attacked by a counter-revolutionary war; an electoral defeat that will lead to a season of “pactismo” that will end the Sandinista anomaly and that will give an opening to something that we could consider –not with a certain difficulty- its pretence. The aim of this essay consists in analyzing how it has been possible that a political experience like the Sandinista Front , created not only for gaining power and for revolutionizing politically, socially and economically Nicaragua, but also for changing radically cultural, ethic and moral perspective of the country and its people, arrived being the contrary of what had been posed as the horizon to aspire...

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The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and its follow-up, the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), were created in 2004 and 2008 to strengthen the prosperity, stability and security of all countries and avoid the emergence of new dividing lines between the EU and 16 neighbouring countries, including south Mediterranean countries (SMCs). Demographic factors in both EU and neighbouring countries will influence this goal. This report describes four population growth scenarios for SMCs, obtained using the MEDPRO economic-political development framework on how indicators of fertility, mortality and international migration might change if people in SMCs were to live in different macroeconomic and political contexts. Qualitative scenarios were then operationalized leading to four different quantitative scenarios using assumptions about possible trends in indicators of fertility, mortality and international migration. The paper concludes by reflecting on the results in light of recent political developments in the region.

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Any analysis of the prospects for stability and sustainability in the states of Syria and Lebanon reveals the strong ties that exist between these two countries and the impact of external influences on their overall development. Their trajectories, while starkly divergent in terms of the challenges confronting them at present, converge on a path of long-term unsustainability. Lebanon is in the midst of yet another transition phase, triggered by the collapse of Hariri’s government in January 2011. The current situation might be described as one of deteriorating status quo; the state is performing poorly in terms of its delivery of fundamental public services and its institutional legitimacy is tenuous in the face of emerging para-state structures and latent (occasionally active) violence. In Syria, challenges to the sustainability of the state have evolved dramatically since the beginning of 2011, and are now nearing a tipping point. In view of the mounting unrest and violence in the country, the future prospects for its economic and political development are dim. More ominously, the risk of widespread conflict, with sectarian overtones, cannot be discounted.

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This study investigates the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow and trade openness on the expansion of information and communication technologies (ICTs) for the period of 1996 to 2005, in the Asia-Pacific and Middle East regions. The results of regression analyses conducted indicate that while dissimilarities exist among the countries included in this study in terms of their level of socio-economic and political development, factors such as trade openness, education and the growth of GDP had a positive impact on their ICT development. While FDI inflow had positive impact on the expansion of ICTs on Asia-Pacific countries its impact on Middle Eastern countries was not statistically significant. The study results also show that governmental intervention in economic activities has a negative impact on ICT expansion in both regions. In the Middle East, regional conflict imposes additional negative impact on FDI inflow and trade openness and consequently, ICT expansion. The regression results show that those countries that implemented liberalization of their ICT sector were able to not only reduce the digital divide with other developed countries, but also increase their operations in both local and global markets.

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This paper aims to explore the (re)construction of identities in three regions adjacent to the Russian–Ukrainian border. The article analyses the areas' historical and political development and argues that placing such areas within a mega-region term such as ‘eastern Ukraine’ fails to recognise important differences between them. Content analysis of regional history textbooks reveals that the ‘official’ state historical narrative found in school history textbooks is heavily negotiated, with regional elites in each area ‘picking and choosing’ which parts of the ‘official’ state narrative to accept and which parts to reject. In this way, the article demonstrates how the notions of ‘inclusion’ and ‘exclusion’ are highly debated topics in the Ukrainian classroom as the central and local state elites are both part of the dynamic process of (re)definition of national identities.

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Garner seeks to explain the absence of far-right political formations in the history of the Republic of Ireland, especially in relation to immigration. He argues that the ‘mainstream’ nationalist parties have implemented a racialized governance of Ireland via the issue of citizenship (in the referendum of 2004). While hegemonic ideas on the racial purity of indigenous populations and the highly ambivalent attitudes and policies on immigration pursued over the last decade are characteristic of a broader European trend, this has not, in the Republic, been accompanied by meaningful far-right political mobilization. Ireland has frequently been seen as sui generis in political terms, and indeed emerges in some ways as a counter-case: increasing hostility towards Others has been identified in the midst of rapid economic growth and political stability. A variety of issues related to the country’s political development have given rise to an especially small left-wing vote, a nationalist centre ground and longlasting domination by a single populist party, Fianna Fa´ il. This party has been partnered in government since 1997 by a free-market party, the Progressive Democrats, who have contributed to Ireland’s movement towards neo-liberal policies and a highly functional approach to immigration. The transition from country of emigration to country of immigration has thus taken place against an ideological backdrop in which the imperatives of labour demand and consolidating domestic support for reform have made an uneasy match, resulting in the racialization of Irishness. The state has, however, amended the Constitution in order to qualify jus soli citizenship entitlement in the case of particular categories of people: those whose parents are not Irish nationals. The significant stakes of these changes are analysed in the context of state responses to Eire’s transition to a country of immigration, and the role of nationalist-populism in the country’s political culture.

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This study investigates the impact of FDI and trade openness on ICT diffusion in the Asia-Pacific and Middle East regions from 1996-2005. The results indicate that while dissimilarities exist between the economies included in this study in terms of their level of socio-economic and political development, education and the growth of GDP have had a positive impact on ICT diffusion in both regions. However, while FDI has generally had a positive and significant impact on ICT diffusion in Asia-Pacific economies, its impact on Middle Eastern economies has been detrimental. The results of this study also show that trade-openness has had, in general, a positive and significant impact on ICT diffusion. Copyright © 2010, IGI Global.

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Reading and writing are essential rights, which involve individual and social aspects; in addition, these skills are important when it comes to socio economic and political development, critical thinking and an active participation in society (UNESCO 2005). From a neurobiological standpoint, our brain is not prepared for reading, and this practice must be deliberately acquired via instructional guidance (DEHAENE 2009). However, reading disorders and deficits within executive functions, such as low working memory capacity, can make reading arduous. The aim of this study is to investigate the development of reading skills within 45 third grade students from public schools in the city of Natal – RN and its connection to working memory capacity, through information gathered from the Provinha Brasil, data generated from working memory tasks (Portuguese version of AWMA - Automated Working Memory Assessment) and fluid intelligence measures RAVEN. Based on this main objective, we attempted to answer the following research questions: (a) What are the correlations between working memory and reading scores?; (b) What characterizes the relationship between working memory capacity and the risk of reading disabilities amongst the participants in this study?; Following a quantitative research methodology, the Provinhas Brasil from 3rd grade students belonging to the six public schools members of Project ACERTA - Avaliação de Crianças em Risco de Transtornos de Aprendizagem (CAPES/OBEDUC)- were analyzed and compared to the scores from the working memory tests and the fluid intelligence ones. Results indicate that reading skills within children at risk of reading disabilities are directly linked to working memory capacity, especially with regards to the phonological component. It is also evident that the participants with less working memory capacity show more difficulties in the reading abilities that demand interpretation skills. Thus, we intend to contribute to the discussion regarding the diagnosis of reading disabilities and possible intervention strategies.