909 resultados para Political crisis
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Germany’s problem is not so much that it is generally right about the need for fiscal discipline but that it has to learn how to be right: this is the most difficult issue to manage from a political standpoint. This EPIN (European Policy Institutes Network) paper brings together contributions from a cross-section of EU member states and the Gallup World Poll survey on the question of how Germany is being viewed at this time of economic and political crisis. The conclusions, subtitled: The Narcissism of Small Differences is a refreshingly candid and insightful analysis of current European relations, noting that Germany’s current weight reflects only the conjuncture of extraordinary domestic and international economic factors. How Germany and the other member states behave towards one another now will have implications for all long after this moment has passed.
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Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-WWII Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by (a) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain and (b) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis, i.e. economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.
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This report focuses on the rise of the Golden Dawn in the context of economic, social and political crisis, as well as the fascist character of the party.
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We seek consistency empirical and analytical rigor to the concept of touristification in the course of the contemporary arrangements of subjectivity and urbanity stations through a landscape of social (dis)encounters between residents and foreigners living in the capital of Rio Grande do Norte, Natal. In the last three decades the city has become a major destination country for national and international tourism, making tourism an important monitor of choreography in search of synchrony between cities and subjectivities, orchestrated by the cyclical crises and the relentless battle for systemic capitalistic expansion and survival. We proceed with an ethnographic and cartographic inspiration in Ponta Negra, where the waterfront redevelopment in 2000 conducted by the government, influenced the implementation of various establishments, services and practices related to the construction of Natal s major industry hub of tourism and entertainment. We proposed an arch-genealogy of touristification inspared on Michel Foucault analytical perspective, increased by authors in confluence or in different theoretical and methodological approaches, among which stand out Karl Marx, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. The reflections that initially turned to the advancement of the sphere of consumerism as the issue capable of articulating the developmental trajectory of the capitalist system and the practice of tourism, promoting some effects (un)desirable in the conflictual dynamics of the condition of the district of Ponta Negra, territory each again (re) produces the designs to meet the consumption by affluent portion of the population and foreign, encountering social exclusion and inclusion differentiated a growing trend. We go forward with an analysis of the "liberation of desire" phenomenal features of the process of producing subjective, providing a breakdown of the recent world s financial crisis initially, but proved social and political crisis also, through a plot derived from the operation of real estate speculation, which Natal is mainly caught through touristification, showing the outlines of a generalized crisis in establishing a new order buoyed by the emergence of a context "biopolitical" since it is a major route that uses the capital to survive and expand, while guiding the process of "strategic beautification" held in Ponta Negra, problematized by us. We conclude by assessing the appropriateness of proposing on further analysis to explore the establishment of a "new social ontology in terms of interference touristification ongoing and the constitution of a "new order" local/global, away from that characterize a system's capitalist overcoming, try to give emphasis in the current stage of the radicalization of a capitalistic utopia
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Cet article est fondé sur le concept de société civile développé par le marxiste Antonio Gramsci et propose un dialogue critique avec les autres idées de la société civile qui, de nos jours, cherchent à s'affirmer dans le panorama politique et culturel. Nous nous fondons sur le fait d'être passé, au cours des dernières décennies, d'une idée de société civile prioritairement politique-publique, scène de luttes démocratiques et de nouvelles hégémonies, vers une image qui transforme la société civile soit en ressource de gestion un arrangement de la société destiné à rendre possible différents genres spécifiques de politiques publiques soit en un facteur de reconstruction étique et dialogique de la vie sociale. L'incorporation de l'idée de participation au langage de planification a déplacé la société civile de son champs principal (celui de l'organisation de nouvelles hégémonies) vers un espace de coopération et de gestion de la crise. Par ailleurs, l'expansion de l'activisme social, dans un cadre de crise politique de l'État et de la démocratie représentative a poussé vers la recherche d'une autre «place» à partir de laquelle il serait possible d'établir et de répandre de nouvelles postulations éthiques et de nouvelles procédures collectives. D'une phase où le marxisme était prépondérant et laissait sa marque, nous sommes entrés dans une phase dans laquelle la perspective libérale, affirmée de façon orthodoxe ou nuancée, prévaut et opère comme principale référence.
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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Letras - IBILCE
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O Grão-Pará na primeira metade do século XIX vivenciou um período de crise política e comoções sociais. Num espaço de tempo de vinte anos a província se viu emergida em dois processos revolucionários que agitaram suas vilas e provocaram mudanças significativas, sobretudo em suas estruturas políticas e representativas, a saber, a Independência e a Cabanagem. Ambos os processos se configuraram por uma variedade de discursos políticos e projetos sociais específicos, características estas que lhes imprimiram um caráter plural, de múltiplos significados e a ideia de um movimento heterogêneo. Estas particularidades no cenário político do Grão-Pará, da Independência e da Cabanagem, nos levam a compreender estes processos pela perspectiva da multiplicidade de projetos e das ações políticas envolvidas na região do médio Amazonas. Dentre estes projetos percebemos a relevância da luta pela separação político-administrativa do Alto Amazonas da província do Grão-Pará para a criação da província do Rio Negro. Este projeto foi sustentado tanto pelos discursos da elite local, como pelos anseios das camadas populares. Para a elite local a questão de separar-se ou não do Grão-Pará era tão importante quanto separar-se ou não de Portugal o era para a elite em Belém. Contudo, se as elites lutavam para ampliar seus poderes, as camadas populares, especialmente os tapuias, muitas vezes também disputavam mais espaços, poderes e direitos. Nesse sentido, este estudo propõe-se compreender como se desenvolveram estes discursos nos processos revolucionários da primeira metade do século XIX, analisando os projetos apresentados no cenário político do Grão-Pará tendo como pano de fundo deste cenário os processos de Independência e Cabanagem.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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This article is devoted to a brief analysis of representations of women in As meninas, by Lygia Fagundes Telles, focusing on the three main characters of the novel and also on some secondary characters. The novel is set within a context that was characterized by a double crisis: the political crisis arising from authoritarianism and violence of the military dictatorship, and the crisis of the patriarchy system, due to the gradual political and social emancipation of women. Our paper aims to understand, in a succinct way, the critical dialogue established in the novel between the representations of women and that context of the dual crisis that constitute the novelistic material of As meninas
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The objetive of this article is discuss the question of difference and alterity presents in analyzes of contemporary society conducted by the polish sociologist Zygmunt Bauman. The author observed that human relations are guided by a logic of cost-benefit connected with values of present in the discardability of consumer society. At the same time, it has built ways of eliminating difference through the construction of a politics of expulsion of those considered strangers. For the author, the cities are the materialization of the ambivalence of live with the other people in contemporary times, being the locus of experience approach and retraction to the other expressed by fear of the difference. The result of this process is the impoverishment relational, the feeling of loneliness and an ethical-political crisis seen that could be seen from the primacy of the private/intimate rather than the public dimention/action.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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The irrigation scheme Eduardo Mondlane, situated in Chókwè District - in the Southern part of the Gaza province and within the Limpopo River Basin - is the largest in the country, covering approximately 30,000 hectares of land. Built by the Portuguese colonial administration in the 1950s to exploit the agricultural potential of the area through cash-cropping, after Independence it became one of Frelimo’s flagship projects aiming at the “socialization of the countryside” and at agricultural economic development through the creation of a state farm and of several cooperatives. The failure of Frelimo’s economic reforms, several infrastructural constraints and local farmers resistance to collective forms of production led to scheme to a state of severe degradation aggravated by the floods of the year 2000. A project of technical rehabilitation initiated after the floods is currently accompanied by a strong “efficiency” discourse from the managing institution that strongly opposes the use of irrigated land for subsistence agriculture, historically a major livelihood strategy for smallfarmers, particularly for women. In fact, the area has been characterized, since the end of the XIX century, by a stable pattern of male migration towards South African mines, that has resulted in an a steady increase of women-headed households (both de jure and de facto). The relationship between land reform, agricultural development, poverty alleviation and gender equality in Southern Africa is long debated in academic literature. Within this debate, the role of agricultural activities in irrigation schemes is particularly interesting considering that, in a drought-prone area, having access to water for irrigation means increased possibilities of improving food and livelihood security, and income levels. In the case of Chókwè, local governments institutions are endorsing the development of commercial agriculture through initiatives such as partnerships with international cooperation agencies or joint-ventures with private investors. While these business models can sometimes lead to positive outcomes in terms of poverty alleviation, it is important to recognize that decentralization and neoliberal reforms occur in the context of financial and political crisis of the State that lacks the resources to efficiently manage infrastructures such as irrigation systems. This kind of institutional and economic reforms risk accelerating processes of social and economic marginalisation, including landlessness, in particular for poor rural women that mainly use irrigated land for subsistence production. The study combines an analysis of the historical and geographical context with the study of relevant literature and original fieldwork. Fieldwork was conducted between February and June 2007 (where I mainly collected secondary data, maps and statistics and conducted preliminary visit to Chókwè) and from October 2007 to March 2008. Fieldwork methodology was qualitative and used semi-structured interviews with central and local Government officials, technical experts of the irrigation scheme, civil society organisations, international NGOs, rural extensionists, and water users from the irrigation scheme, in particular those women smallfarmers members of local farmers’ associations. Thanks to the collaboration with the Union of Farmers’ Associations of Chókwè, she has been able to participate to members’ meeting, to education and training activities addressed to women farmers members of the Union and to organize a group discussion. In Chókwè irrigation scheme, women account for the 32% of water users of the familiar sector (comprising plot-holders with less than 5 hectares of land) and for just 5% of the private sector. If one considers farmers’ associations of the familiar sector (a legacy of Frelimo’s cooperatives), women are 84% of total members. However, the security given to them by the land title that they have acquired through occupation is severely endangered by the use that they make of land, that is considered as “non efficient” by the irrigation scheme authority. Due to a reduced access to marketing possibilities and to inputs, training, information and credit women, in actual fact, risk to see their right to access land and water revoked because they are not able to sustain the increasing cost of the water fee. The myth of the “efficient producer” does not take into consideration the characteristics of inequality and gender discrimination of the neo-liberal market. Expecting small-farmers, and in particular women, to be able to compete in the globalized agricultural market seems unrealistic, and can perpetuate unequal gendered access to resources such as land and water.