922 resultados para Political Crisis


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El artículo analiza el impacto que la crisis política de la monarquía española suscitó en Caracas, en donde tuvo lugar un intenso debate. En noviembre de 1808 se intentó erigir una junta, sin éxito. El 19 de abril de 1810 se constituyó la Junta Conservadora de los Derechos del Rey Fernando VII y, finalmente, el 5 de julio de 1811 se declaró la Independencia. El artículo analiza el contenido del debate acerca del ejercicio de la soberanía, así como la manera en que organizaron la representación política quienes tuvieron a su cargo la conducción de este proceso histórico, desde el inicio del movimiento juntista hasta la declaración de la indepedencia.

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Germany’s problem is not so much that it is generally right about the need for fiscal discipline but that it has to learn how to be right: this is the most difficult issue to manage from a political standpoint. This EPIN (European Policy Institutes Network) paper brings together contributions from a cross-section of EU member states and the Gallup World Poll survey on the question of how Germany is being viewed at this time of economic and political crisis. The conclusions, subtitled: The Narcissism of Small Differences is a refreshingly candid and insightful analysis of current European relations, noting that Germany’s current weight reflects only the conjuncture of extraordinary domestic and international economic factors. How Germany and the other member states behave towards one another now will have implications for all long after this moment has passed.

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Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-WWII Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by (a) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain and (b) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis, i.e. economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.

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This report focuses on the rise of the Golden Dawn in the context of economic, social and political crisis, as well as the fascist character of the party.

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The chapters in this book examine the major themes of development, borders and security, politics and justice, resource and land management, education, and language policy. Though the country was initially lauded as a case study in successful state-building, the crisis of 2006 demonstrated that East Timor had more in common with other post-colonial, post-conflict societies than some of thse earlier optimistic assessments suggested. East Timor continues to attract the interest and attention of governments, scholars, development institutions and aid workers as a society rebuilding itself after almost a quarter of a century of profound trauma, and the consecutive eras of colonialism. Covering the era from the independence referendum in August 1999 to the political crisis in 2006, and future prospects and challenges, this book is an invaluable resource for understanding the challenges facing the first new nation of the 21st century.

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We seek consistency empirical and analytical rigor to the concept of touristification in the course of the contemporary arrangements of subjectivity and urbanity stations through a landscape of social (dis)encounters between residents and foreigners living in the capital of Rio Grande do Norte, Natal. In the last three decades the city has become a major destination country for national and international tourism, making tourism an important monitor of choreography in search of synchrony between cities and subjectivities, orchestrated by the cyclical crises and the relentless battle for systemic capitalistic expansion and survival. We proceed with an ethnographic and cartographic inspiration in Ponta Negra, where the waterfront redevelopment in 2000 conducted by the government, influenced the implementation of various establishments, services and practices related to the construction of Natal s major industry hub of tourism and entertainment. We proposed an arch-genealogy of touristification inspared on Michel Foucault analytical perspective, increased by authors in confluence or in different theoretical and methodological approaches, among which stand out Karl Marx, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. The reflections that initially turned to the advancement of the sphere of consumerism as the issue capable of articulating the developmental trajectory of the capitalist system and the practice of tourism, promoting some effects (un)desirable in the conflictual dynamics of the condition of the district of Ponta Negra, territory each again (re) produces the designs to meet the consumption by affluent portion of the population and foreign, encountering social exclusion and inclusion differentiated a growing trend. We go forward with an analysis of the "liberation of desire" phenomenal features of the process of producing subjective, providing a breakdown of the recent world s financial crisis initially, but proved social and political crisis also, through a plot derived from the operation of real estate speculation, which Natal is mainly caught through touristification, showing the outlines of a generalized crisis in establishing a new order buoyed by the emergence of a context "biopolitical" since it is a major route that uses the capital to survive and expand, while guiding the process of "strategic beautification" held in Ponta Negra, problematized by us. We conclude by assessing the appropriateness of proposing on further analysis to explore the establishment of a "new social ontology in terms of interference touristification ongoing and the constitution of a "new order" local/global, away from that characterize a system's capitalist overcoming, try to give emphasis in the current stage of the radicalization of a capitalistic utopia

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Cet article est fondé sur le concept de société civile développé par le marxiste Antonio Gramsci et propose un dialogue critique avec les autres idées de la société civile qui, de nos jours, cherchent à s'affirmer dans le panorama politique et culturel. Nous nous fondons sur le fait d'être passé, au cours des dernières décennies, d'une idée de société civile prioritairement politique-publique, scène de luttes démocratiques et de nouvelles hégémonies, vers une image qui transforme la société civile soit en ressource de gestion ­ un arrangement de la société destiné à rendre possible différents genres spécifiques de politiques publiques ­ soit en un facteur de reconstruction étique et dialogique de la vie sociale. L'incorporation de l'idée de participation au langage de planification a déplacé la société civile de son champs principal (celui de l'organisation de nouvelles hégémonies) vers un espace de coopération et de gestion de la crise. Par ailleurs, l'expansion de l'activisme social, dans un cadre de crise politique de l'État et de la démocratie représentative a poussé vers la recherche d'une autre «place» à partir de laquelle il serait possible d'établir et de répandre de nouvelles postulations éthiques et de nouvelles procédures collectives. D'une phase où le marxisme était prépondérant et laissait sa marque, nous sommes entrés dans une phase dans laquelle la perspective libérale, affirmée de façon orthodoxe ou nuancée, prévaut et opère comme principale référence.

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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em Letras - IBILCE

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O Grão-Pará na primeira metade do século XIX vivenciou um período de crise política e comoções sociais. Num espaço de tempo de vinte anos a província se viu emergida em dois processos revolucionários que agitaram suas vilas e provocaram mudanças significativas, sobretudo em suas estruturas políticas e representativas, a saber, a Independência e a Cabanagem. Ambos os processos se configuraram por uma variedade de discursos políticos e projetos sociais específicos, características estas que lhes imprimiram um caráter plural, de múltiplos significados e a ideia de um movimento heterogêneo. Estas particularidades no cenário político do Grão-Pará, da Independência e da Cabanagem, nos levam a compreender estes processos pela perspectiva da multiplicidade de projetos e das ações políticas envolvidas na região do médio Amazonas. Dentre estes projetos percebemos a relevância da luta pela separação político-administrativa do Alto Amazonas da província do Grão-Pará para a criação da província do Rio Negro. Este projeto foi sustentado tanto pelos discursos da elite local, como pelos anseios das camadas populares. Para a elite local a questão de separar-se ou não do Grão-Pará era tão importante quanto separar-se ou não de Portugal o era para a elite em Belém. Contudo, se as elites lutavam para ampliar seus poderes, as camadas populares, especialmente os tapuias, muitas vezes também disputavam mais espaços, poderes e direitos. Nesse sentido, este estudo propõe-se compreender como se desenvolveram estes discursos nos processos revolucionários da primeira metade do século XIX, analisando os projetos apresentados no cenário político do Grão-Pará tendo como pano de fundo deste cenário os processos de Independência e Cabanagem.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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This article is devoted to a brief analysis of representations of women in As meninas, by Lygia Fagundes Telles, focusing on the three main characters of the novel and also on some secondary characters. The novel is set within a context that was characterized by a double crisis: the political crisis arising from authoritarianism and violence of the military dictatorship, and the crisis of the patriarchy system, due to the gradual political and social emancipation of women. Our paper aims to understand, in a succinct way, the critical dialogue established in the novel between the representations of women and that context of the dual crisis that constitute the novelistic material of As meninas

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The objetive of this article is discuss the question of difference and alterity presents in analyzes of contemporary society conducted by the polish sociologist Zygmunt Bauman. The author observed that human relations are guided by a logic of cost-benefit connected with values of present in the discardability of consumer society. At the same time, it has built ways of eliminating difference through the construction of a politics of expulsion of those considered strangers. For the author, the cities are the materialization of the ambivalence of live with the other people in contemporary times, being the locus of experience approach and retraction to the other expressed by fear of the difference. The result of this process is the impoverishment relational, the feeling of loneliness and an ethical-political crisis seen that could be seen from the primacy of the private/intimate rather than the public dimention/action.