Does Satisfaction with Democracy really increase Happiness? Direct Democracy and Individual Satisfaction in Switzerland

This paper takes the influential “direct democracy makes people happy”-research as a starting point and asks whether direct democracy impacts individual satisfaction. Unlike former studies we distinguish two aspects of individual satisfaction, namely satisfaction with life (“happiness”) and with how democracy works. Based on multilevel analysis of the 26 Swiss cantons we show that the theoretical assumption on which the happiness hypothesis is based has to be questioned, as there is very little evidence for a robust relationship between satisfaction with democracy and life satisfaction. Furthermore, we do not find a substantive positive effect of direct democracy on happiness. However, with respect to satisfaction with democracy, our analysis shows some evidence for a procedural effect of direct democracy, i.e. positive effects related to using direct democratic rights, rather than these rights per se.

Direct Democracy: Protest Catalyst or Protest Alternative?

This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters’ opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations.

Moral Politics: The Religious Factor in Referenda Voting

This article combines the research strands of moral politics and political behavior by focusing on the effect of individual and contextual religiosity on individual vote decisions in popular initiatives and public referenda concerning morally charged issues. We rely on a total of 13 surveys with 1,000 respondents each conducted after every referendum on moral policies in Switzerland between 1992 and 2012. Results based on cross-classified multilevel models show that religious behaving instead of nominal religious belonging plays a crucial role in decision making on moral issues. This supports the idea that the traditional confessional cleavage is replaced by a new religious cleavage that divides the religious from the secular. This newer cleavage is characterized by party alignments that extend from electoral to direct democratic voting behavior. Overall, our study lends support to previous findings drawn from American research on moral politics, direct democracies, and the public role of religion.

Zur neuen Relevanz des sozialen Kontexts für das Wahlverhalten. Antwort auf die kritischen Anmerkungen von Franz Urban Pappi

Wir antworten auf die Kritik an unserem Artikel (Ackermann u. Traunmüller 2014) und argumentieren, dass Theorien über die abnehmende Bedeutung sozial-struktureller Merkmale für das Wahlverhalten fehlgeleitet sind. Stattdessen interessiert uns die gehaltvollere Frage, wie und unter welchen Bedingungen sie politisch wirksam werden. Diese Theorieperspektive öffnet den Blick für regionale und temporale Variation sozialer Einflussprozesse, welche gängigen Ansichten zum Cleavage-Voting widersprechen. Wir unterstützen unser Argument, indem wir demonstrieren, dass soziale Kontexte für das individuelle Wahlverhalten heutzutage wichtiger sind als noch vor Jahrzehnten. Abschließend diskutieren wir weiterführende Implikationen für soziale Kontextanalysen des Wahlverhaltens.

Familia, redes y poder en la Guardia de Luján durante la década de 1820

El arraigo familiar y las redes sociales serán los factores que se privilegiarán en esta investigación que abordará la cuestión de la construcción del edificio de la Justicia de Paz en la campaña bonaerense. A partir del violento episodio que generó el desplazamiento de un Juez de Paz, indagaremos el capital relacional de los jueces y sus familias para demostrar que la organización la Justicia de Paz utilizó redes existentes, que hundían sus raíces en tiempos coloniales, dando cuenta de que primaron continuidades más que rupturas en el transito del estado colonial al independiente. Pero además, se tratará de percibir en el comportamiento político de esta comunidad, el peso de la densa urdimbre que se construyó a través del matrimonio y que vinculó a gran parte de los vecinos de la Guardia de Luján.

Familia, redes y poder en la Guardia de Luján durante la década de 1820

El arraigo familiar y las redes sociales serán los factores que se privilegiarán en esta investigación que abordará la cuestión de la construcción del edificio de la Justicia de Paz en la campaña bonaerense. A partir del violento episodio que generó el desplazamiento de un Juez de Paz, indagaremos el capital relacional de los jueces y sus familias para demostrar que la organización la Justicia de Paz utilizó redes existentes, que hundían sus raíces en tiempos coloniales, dando cuenta de que primaron continuidades más que rupturas en el transito del estado colonial al independiente. Pero además, se tratará de percibir en el comportamiento político de esta comunidad, el peso de la densa urdimbre que se construyó a través del matrimonio y que vinculó a gran parte de los vecinos de la Guardia de Luján.

Familia, redes y poder en la Guardia de Luján durante la década de 1820

El arraigo familiar y las redes sociales serán los factores que se privilegiarán en esta investigación que abordará la cuestión de la construcción del edificio de la Justicia de Paz en la campaña bonaerense. A partir del violento episodio que generó el desplazamiento de un Juez de Paz, indagaremos el capital relacional de los jueces y sus familias para demostrar que la organización la Justicia de Paz utilizó redes existentes, que hundían sus raíces en tiempos coloniales, dando cuenta de que primaron continuidades más que rupturas en el transito del estado colonial al independiente. Pero además, se tratará de percibir en el comportamiento político de esta comunidad, el peso de la densa urdimbre que se construyó a través del matrimonio y que vinculó a gran parte de los vecinos de la Guardia de Luján.

Cost-benefit analyses for your group and yourself: The rationality of decision-making in conflict

Two studies in the context of English-French relations in Québec suggest that individuals who strongly identify with a group derive the individual-level costs and benefits that drive expectancy-value processes (rational decision-making) from group-level costs and benefits. In Study 1, high identifiers linked group- and individual-level outcomes of conflict choices whereas low identifiers did not. Group-level expectancy-value processes, in Study 2, mediated the relationship between social identity and perceptions that collective action benefits the individual actor and between social identity and intentions to act. These findings suggest the rational underpinnings of identity-driven political behavior, a relationship sometimes obscured in intergroup theory that focuses on cognitive processes of self-stereotyping. But the results also challenge the view that individuals' cost-benefit analyses are independent of identity processes. The findings suggest the importance of modeling the relationship of group and individual levels of expectancy-value processes as both hierarchical and contingent on social identity processes

A multivariate examination of the relationship between strategic planning and organisational performance

Strategic planning and more specifically, the impact of strategic planning on organisational performance has been the subject of significant academic interest since the early 1970's. However, despite the significant amount of previous work examining the relationship between strategic planning and organisational performance, a comprehensive literature review identified a number of areas where contributions to the domain of study could be made. In overview, the main areas for further study identified from the literature review were a) a further examination of both the dimensionality and conceptualisation of strategic planning and organisational performance and b) a further, multivariate, examination of the relationship between strategic planning and performance, to capture the newly identified dimensionality. In addition to the previously identified strategic planning and organisational performance constructs, a comprehensive literature based assessment was undertaken and five main areas were identified for further examination, these were a) organisational b) comprehensive strategic choice, c) the quality of strategic options generated, d) political behavior and e) implementation success. From this, a conceptual model incorporating a set of hypotheses to be tested was formulated. In order to test the conceptual model specified and also the stated hypotheses, data gathering was undertaken. The quantitative phase of the research involved a mail survey of senior managers in medium to large UK based organisations, of which a total of 366 fully useable responses were received. Following rigorous individual construct validity and reliability testing, the complete conceptual model was tested using latent variable path analysis. The results for the individual hypotheses and also the complete conceptual model were most encouraging. The findings, theoretical and managerial implications, limitations and directions for future research are discussed.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

The Politics of Gender Socialization

This manuscript is comprised of three papers that examine the far-reaching and often invisible political outcomes of gender role socialization in the United States. These papers focus primarily on two areas: political confidence amongst girls and women, and the effects of gender on survey measurement and data quality.

Chapter one focuses on political confidence, and the likelihood that women will run for political office. Women continue to be underrepresented at all levels of political leadership, and their lack of political ambition, relative to men, has been identified as a primary cause. In this paper, I explore the relationship between an individual's masculinity and femininity and her development of political ambition. Using original survey data from the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), I first empirically demonstrate that gender (masculinity/femininity) and sex (male/female) are unique elements of identity and, moreover, are both independently related to political ambition. I then explore the relevance of gender for the study of candidate emergence, testing whether and how masculinity and femininity might be related to political ambition are supported empirically. While the results suggest that masculinity is positively associated with the development of political ambition, the relationship between femininity and candidate emergence seems to be more complicated and not what prevailing stereotypes might lead us to expect. Moreover, while the relationship between masculinity and political ambition is the same for men and women, the relationship between femininity and political ambition is very different for women than it is for men. This study suggests that gender role socialization is highly related with both men's and women's desire to seek positions of political leadership.

Chapter two continues this exploration of gendered differences in the development of political ambition, this time exploring how social attractiveness and gendered perceptions of political leadership impact the desire to hold political office.Women are persistently underrepresented as candidates for public office and remain underrepresented at all levels of government in the United States. Previous literature suggests that the gendered ambition gap, gender socialization, insufficient recruitment, media scrutiny, family responsibilities, modern campaign strategies, and political opportunity structures all contribute to the gender imbalance in pools of officeholders and candidates. To explain women's reticence to run, scholars have offered explanations addressing structural, institutional, and individual-level factors that deter women from becoming candidates, especially for high positions in the U.S. government. This paper examines a previously unexplored factor: how dating and socialized norms of sexual attraction affect political ambition. This study investigates whether young, single, and heterosexual women's desire for male attention and fear of being perceived as unattractive or "too ambitious" present obstacles to running for office. The results of these experiments suggest that social expectations about gender, attraction and sexuality, and political office-holding may contribute to women's reticence to pursue political leadership. Chapter two is a co-authored work and represents the joint efforts of Laura Lazarus Frankel, Shauna Shames, and Nadia Farjood.

Chapter 3 bridges survey methodology and gender socialization, focusing on how interviewer sex affects survey measurement and data quality. Specifically, this paper examines whether and how matching interviewer and respondent sex affects panel attrition--respondents dropping out of the study after participating in the first wave. While the majority of research on interviewer effects suggests that matching interviewer and respondent characteristics (homophily) yields higher quality data, little work has examined whether this pattern holds true in the area of panel attrition. Using paradata from the General Social Survey (GSS), I explore this question. My analysis reveals that, despite its broader positive effects on data quality, matching interviewer and respondent sex increases likelihood to attrit. Interestingly, this phenomenon only emerges amongst male respondents. However, while assigning female interviewers to male respondents decreases their propensity to attrit, it also increases the likelihood of biased responses on gender related items. These conflicting outcomes represent a tradeoff for scholars and survey researchers, requiring careful consideration of mode, content, and study goals when designing surveys and/or analyzing survey data. The implications of these patterns and areas for further research are discussed.

Together, these papers illustrate two ways that gender norms are related to political outcomes: they contribute to patterns of candidate emergence and affect the measurement of political attitudes and behaviors.

Proposta de uma matriz de decisão em energia hidrelétrica com o uso do método multicritério, para formulação de políticas públicas no estado do Paraná

Brazil is internationally acknowledged for its renewable sources, most notably, hydroelectric power plant projects which correspond to 65% of electricity production supply to the National Interconnected System. The main question behind this research is: what are the weights and the relative importance of the variables which have influence on the decision making process for the expansion of hydroelectric generation projects in Parana? The main objective is to propose a multi-criteria decision procedure, in association with water sources options that take into consideration the weight and relative importance of the alternatives having influence on the decision by enterprises in the generation of electricity in the state of Paraná. As far as the approach to the problem is concerned, this research can be classified as having mixed methodologies, applying Content Analysis, Delphi technique and the Analytic Hierarchy Process. Following Delphi methodology, a group of 21 was selected for data collection, all of those linked to Paranaense hydroelectricity market. And the main result was the construction of a decision tree in which it was possible to identify the importance and relative weight of the elements associated with the four dimensions of energy. In environmental dimension, the highest relative weight was placed on the loading capacity of Parana system; the economic dimension, the amortization of investment; in social dimension, the generation of direct work places and in institutional dimension, the availability of suitable sources of financing. Policy makers and business managers make their decisions based on specific criteria related to the organization segment, market information, economic and political behavior among other indicators that guide them in dealing with the typical tradeoffs of projects in hydropower area. The results obtained in the decision tree show that the economic bias is still the main factor in making investment decisions. However, environmental impacts on the State loading capacity, income generation, providing opportunities for direct as well as indirect jobs. And at an institutional level, the absence of funding sources show that the perception of experts is focused on other issues beyond the logic behind development per se. The order of priority of variables in this study indicates that in the current environment of uncertainty in the Brazilian economy as many variables must be analyzed and compared in order to optimize the scarce resources available to expand local development in relation to Paranaense water matrix.

The positives and negatives of organizational politics: a qualitative study

The study aimed to develop a richer understanding of how employees perceive organizational politics in contemporary organizational contexts, and to identify whether organizational politics is described in both positive and negative terms. Design/methodology/approach: Individual in-depth interviews were conducted using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis with 14 employees across three organizations. Findings: Participants’ perceptions of organizational politics were interpreted according to four levels: reactive, reluctant, strategic, and integrated. The four levels captured how individuals defined, described, and perceived outcomes of organizational politics. Definitions included organizational politics as destructive and manipulative (reactive), as a necessary evil (reluctant), as a useful strategy that helps get things done (strategic), and as central to organizational functioning and decision-making (integrated). Political behaviors were described in terms that correspond to five established bases of organizational power: connection power, information power, coercive power, positional power, and personal power. Descriptions of organizational politics encompassed positive and negative individual and organizational outcomes. Implications: Traditional negatively framed definitions of organizational politics need to be extended and elaborated. Definitions of organizational politics need to accommodate a range of understandings. Originality/value: Despite numerous calls for qualitative research regarding organizational politics, this is one of very few qualitative studies in this area. The proposed classifications of levels, definitions, and behaviors complement and extend existing conceptualizations of organizational politics. We contribute an understanding of organizational politics that is more balanced than existing negatively skewed conceptualizations and that will have implications for measurement and management of organizational politics.

Innovación social: una reflexión sobre los beneficios en su implementación en el Estado colombiano.

La innovación social es un tipo de innovación que promueve la búsqueda de soluciones enfocadas a los problemas que se presentan en la sociedad. Estas soluciones generan además un valor agregado que ayudan al crecimiento del país. En Colombia este tipo de iniciativas han empezado a tener una gran importancia y han empezado a promover condiciones de vida más favorables y justas que buscan generar un beneficio a la sociedad y contribuir al desarrollo del país. A partir de la historia de la innovación social, ejemplos y grandes literatos en la administración y la sociología, comprenderemos la importancia de la innovación en nuestro país.

Génesis del movimiento separatista en los Altos de Guatemala, 1806-1829

ResumenExplica el comportamiento político del cabildo de españoles de Quetzaltenango a partir de 1806, influido por los sucesos de la Corte de Cádiz. Analiza también su participación en las crisis de independencia, la anexión a México y en las negociaciones conducentes a la creación de la República Federal de Centroamérica, y más concretamente, del Estado de Guatemala.Abstractn this article, the author explains the political behavior of the Spanish cabildo in Quetzaltenango after 1806, under the influence of the events at the Cortes de Cádiz. He also discusses its participation in the Independence crisis, in the annexation to México and in negotiations leading to the establishment of the Central American Federal Republic and, specifically, that of the State of Guatemala