978 resultados para PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY


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The incidence of obesity in both adults and children is rising at a rapid rate in most developed countries, including in Australia. Some obese people are seeking to place the blame for their condition on the fast-food industry, as demonstrated by the recent litigation in the United States brought by two obese plaintiffs against McDonald's. This litigation was unsuccessful, and on existing Australian negligence principles any similar litigation commenced here is likely to suffer the same fate. Principles of personal responsibility, autonomy and free will should prevail to deny a negligence claim. The risk of obesity and concomitant health problems from eating fast food to excess is an obvious risk which the plaintiff should not have ignored and which he or she has voluntarily assumed. It is for the Australian Government, not the courts, to regulate the behaviour of the fast-food industry. The government should take action by requiring all major fast-food chains to label their products with nutritional information, and by imposing restrictions on the advertising of food to children.

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This paper contrasts the characteristics of different types of modernities, noting the present transition occurring between its simple and reflexive manifestations. It then demonstrates how mainstream industrial relations theories have long been framed by a collectivist 'risk insurance principle '. In combining these two observations the argument is made that theories built around institutional dependencies that rely on the evidence or assumption ofoperable risk insurance principles and collective guardianships of workplace well being make less sense in a world of emerging personal narratives ofchoice and dependency that centre around individuals taking personal responsibility for avoiding or diminishing the risks of their engagement with uncertain labour markets. The discussion concludes by setting out the social and epistemological conditions under which future industrial relations theorising might beframed so as to accommodate these emerging conditions in a manner that is both realistic and relevant.

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Media convergence and newsroom integration have become industry buzzwords as the ideas spread through newsrooms around the world. In November 2007 Fairfax Media in Australia introduced the newsroom of the future model, as its flagship newspapers moved into a purpose-built newsroom in Sydney. News Ltd, the country’s next biggest media group, is also embracing multi-media forms of reporting. What are the implications of this development for journalism? This paper examines changes in the practice of journalism in Australia and around the world. It attempts to answer the question: How does the practice of journalism need to change to prepare not for the future, but for the likely present.

Early in November 2007 The Sydney Morning Herald, the Australian Financial Review and the Sun-Herald moved into a new building dubbed the ‘newsroom of the future’ at One Darling Island Road in Sydney’s Darling Harbour precinct. Phil McLean, at the time Fairfax Media’s group executive editor and the man in charge of the move, said three quarters of the entire process involved getting people to ‘think differently’ – that is, to modify their mindset so they could work with multi-media.

The new newsroom symbolised the culmination of a series of major changes at Fairfax. In August 2006 the traditional newspaper company, John Fairfax Ltd, changed its name to Fairfax Media to reflect its multi-platform future. In March 2007 Fairfax launched Australia’s first online-only daily publication in Queensland, brisbanetimes.com.au. In May 2007 Fairfax completed its merger with Rural Press to become the biggest media company in Australasia, with annual revenues of about $2.5 billion and market capitalisation of about $7 billion. Two months later Fairfax got even bigger when it acquired at least one radio station in all Australian capital cities plus television studios when it bought Southern Cross Broadcasting. Fairfax is expected to bid for one of the two digital television licences made available by the changes to media ownership laws promulgated in May 2007.

The aim in moving Fairfax from a print to a multi-platform company was to reach as large an audience as possible. ‘We have a total readership in print of over 4 million per day and online of over 5 million per month’, CEO David Kirk said at the time of the Rural Press merger. ‘Our brand of quality, independent, balanced journalism will serve and support more communities than ever’ (Kirk 2007). A few months earlier chairman Ron Walker had written in the company’s annual report: ‘Fairfax is evolving into a truly digital media company’ (2006: 2). Within five years Fairfax would be a significantly bigger Internet company that distributed its content ‘over more media’, Kirk wrote in the same report (2006: 5).

Kirk developed a three-pronged strategy. The first part of the strategy involved the need to ‘defend and grow our newspaper publishing businesses’ – that is, to consolidate and develop the existing newspapers, whose circulations were holding steady during the week and improving on Saturdays. The second part involved plans to ‘accelerate the revenue and earnings of our digital business’. The third part was ‘to build a digital media company for the twenty-first century’ (Fairfax annual report 2006: 3). In June 2007 Kirk appointed Tim Mannes project leader for the Fairfax Media-Rural Press integration. ‘The purpose of the integration work is to bring the two companies together and build what is truly Australasia’s leading media company’, Mannes wrote in a memo to all staff on 7 June 2007. ‘It’s vital throughout this process that we maintain continuity and momentum and protect the interests and needs of our customers’ (2007: 1).

The business model appears attractive. Kirk said Fairfax’s increased scale and diversity would mean it relied less on classified lineage advertising in major metropolitan newspapers, so it could ‘rapidly develop the best online response to changing media advertising patterns’. In the two years to 2006, online’s contribution to Fairfax’s profits had grown from 1 per cent to 14 per cent with ‘much more to come’. Online’s share of the national advertising pie had grown from 2 per cent in 2002 to 10 per cent in 2006 (Beverley 2007: 6) and had jumped to 14 per cent in 2007. Analysts said they were happy with Fairfax’s move ‘from a newspaper company to a media company’ and banks such as Credit Suisse upgraded their profits forecast (AFR 19 September 2007: 37).

Planning for the move to One Darling Island Road in Sydney’s Darling Harbour started early in 2006. Fairfax CEO David Kirk took personal responsibility. He and chairman Ron Walker visited integrated sites around the world, along with a group of editorial bosses. The favoured site was The Daily Telegraph in London, which embraced convergence from June 2006. CEO Murdoch McLennan hired a consultant from Ifra, Dr Dietmar Schantin, director of the Newsplex, to facilitate the move from mono-media to multi-media at The Telegraph. Schantin said change was less about new technologies and more about altering the established mindset. The focus must be on the audience: ‘The whole idea of audience orientation seems to be quite new for some newspapers. In the past it was more “we know what is good for our readers and so we distribute the content”.’ Newspapers were a service industry whose service was information and news, he said. Newspapers had to learn to ‘serve’ its audience with the things the audience wanted to know, on any appropriate platform. ‘We start from the audience. What they want is a very important point. That does not mean that a newspaper should just do what the audience wants. The newspaper [also] needs to stick
to its core values’ (Luft 2006, Coleman 2007: 5).

Tom Curley, CEO of the world’s biggest newsgathering organisation, Associated Press, gave an important speech to the annual Knight-Bagehot dinner in New York in November 2007. The news industry had come to a fork in the road and needed to take bold steps to secure the audiences and funding to support journalism’s essential role for both the economy and democracy, he said. Otherwise the media industry would find itself ‘on an ugly path to obscurity’. He similarly emphasised the need to serve the audience: ‘Our focus must be on becoming the very best at filling people’s 24-hour news needs. That’s a huge shift from the we-know-best, gatekeeper thinking. Sourcing, fact gathering, researching, storytelling, editing [and] packaging aren’t going away’
(Curley 2007).

Kirk appointed a ‘newsroom of the future’ committee from editorial (reporters and photographers), IT and HR. The committee initiated a study tour by editorial executives of leading integrated and converged newsrooms in the UK and the US in April 2007. This became known as the ‘Tier 1’ course and involved the editor and deputy editor of The Age, and the news editor of The Sydney Morning Herald. The Herald’s editor went to the annual conference of the World Association of Newspapers in Cape Town, South Africa in June 2007 because that event featured convergence as one of its main themes (PANPA Bulletin June 2007: 6). The committee designed a two-day awareness course for senior editorial managers, known as ‘Tier 2’, that was run in Sydney in July 2007. The ‘Tier 3’ program for all editorial staff started in August 2007 and this ‘multi-media awareness program’ continued until the end of the year. A ‘Tier 4’ course for about 10 per cent of editorial staff (about 40 journalists), where they learned a range of multi-media skills, was scheduled to start after the Beijing Olympics in 2008. The author facilitated most of the Tier 2 and 3 courses.

The Tier 3 and 4 courses have profound implications for journalism education in Australia because they represent the start of major changes to how journalists work in Australia. The process reflects evolution in newsroom practices around the world. In November 2006 Ifra, the international media research company, asked newspaper executives worldwide about their priorities for 2007. The survey attracted 240 responses from 43 countries and results appeared in January 2007. Integration, editorial convergence and cross-media strategies attracted the most attention. Four in five executives rated it one of their top priorities, and half made it their main priority in terms of allocating ‘significant’ funds (Ifra 2007: 34). Ifra repeated the survey in November 2007 and published the results in January 2008. Expanding web strategies was first on the list for 2008, just ahead of editorial convergence strategies, which topped the list in 2007. Improving video and audio content jumped 14 places, and mobile phone strategies leapt 9 places between 2007 and 2008 to be near the top of the list (Ifra 2008: 8).

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This paper reports on the misuse of social networking sites (SNS). It was based on a study of 226 students in UK, Sweden, Turkey and France and a panel survey of 1068 Australian adults. Although only a minority of people experienced social harassment and abuse, the distressing nature of the bad experiences suggested that social marketing was needed on several fronts -self-regulation, regulation, education and personal responsibility - in order to minimise these behaviours.

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Managerial careers no longer conform to traditional career paths, progressing within the hierarchical structure of one or two organisations. Instead, organisational restructuring and changed business practices have impacted middle managers' job security and the need to take personal responsibility for their careers. Concurrently. the nature ofmiddle managerial work has altered - bringing increasing intensity and a requirement to manage within new workplace practices such as flexibility initiatives and short-term managerial contracts. These changes have implications for how human resource professionals both attract and retain talented managers. This paper argues for a critical re-consideration ofthe distinct nature ofmiddle managerial careers.

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OBJECTIVE: Using Australian Football League (AFL) matches as a case study, we investigated the frequency, length and content of marketing strategies for sports betting during two specific settings: 1) at stadiums during four live matches; and 2) during eight televised broadcasts of matches. METHODS: Census of sports betting marketing during Round 12 of the 2011 AFL premiership season. RESULTS: Per match, there was an average of 58.5 episodes (median 49.5, s.d 27.8) and 341.1 minutes (median 324.1 minutes and s.d 44.5) of sports betting marketing at stadiums, and 50.5 episodes (median 53.5, s.d 45.2) and 4.8 minutes (median 5.0 minutes, s.d 4.0) during televised broadcasts. A diverse range of marketing techniques were used to: a) embed sports betting within the game; b) align sports betting with fans' overall experience of the game; and c) encourage individuals to bet live during the game. There were very few visible or audible messages (such as responsible gambling or Gambler's Help messages) to counter-frame the overwhelmingly positive messages that individuals received about sports betting during the match. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS: This study raises important questions about the impacts of saturation, integrated and impulse gambling marketing strategies in sporting matches. Future research should explore: 1) how wagering industry marketing strategies may affect the attitudes and behaviours of community sub-groups (e.g. young male sports fans, and children); and 2) which public health and policy strategies, including regulation and harm minimisation messaging, will be effective in responding to wagering industry marketing strategies during sporting matches.

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BACKGROUND: Current population-based anti-obesity campaigns often target individuals based on either weight or socio-demographic characteristics, and give a 'mass' message about personal responsibility. There is a recognition that attempts to influence attitudes and opinions may be more effective if they resonate with the beliefs that different groups have about the causes of, and solutions for, obesity. Limited research has explored how attitudinal factors may inform the development of both upstream and downstream social marketing initiatives. METHODS: Computer-assisted face-to-face interviews were conducted with 159 parents and 184 of their children (aged 9-18 years old) in two Australian states. A mixed methods approach was used to assess attitudes towards obesity, and elucidate why different groups held various attitudes towards obesity. Participants were quantitatively assessed on eight dimensions relating to the severity and extent, causes and responsibility, possible remedies, and messaging strategies. Cluster analysis was used to determine attitudinal clusters. Participants were also able to qualify each answer. Qualitative responses were analysed both within and across attitudinal clusters using a constant comparative method. RESULTS: Three clusters were identified. Concerned Internalisers (27% of the sample) judged that obesity was a serious health problem, that Australia had among the highest levels of obesity in the world and that prevalence was rapidly increasing. They situated the causes and remedies for the obesity crisis in individual choices. Concerned Externalisers (38% of the sample) held similar views about the severity and extent of the obesity crisis. However, they saw responsibility and remedies as a societal rather than an individual issue. The final cluster, the Moderates, which contained significantly more children and males, believed that obesity was not such an important public health issue, and judged the extent of obesity to be less extreme than the other clusters. CONCLUSION: Attitudinal clusters provide new information and insights which may be useful in tailoring anti-obesity social marketing initiatives.

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Family interactions about weight and health take place against the backdrop of the wider social discourse relating to the obesity epidemic. Parents (and children) negotiate complex and often contradictory messages in constructing a set of beliefs and practices around obesity and weight management. Despite this, very little research attention has been given to the nature of family-unit discourse on the subject of body weight and it's potential influence on the weight-related behaviours of family members. This includes the broad influence that dominant socio-cultural discourses have on family conceptualisations of weight and health. Using in-depth qualitative interviews with 150 family 'groups' comprised of at least one parent and one child in Victoria and South Australia, we explored how parents and children conceptualise and discuss issues of weight- and health-related lifestyle behaviours. Data were analysed using Attride-Stirling's (2001) thematic network approach. Three thematic clusters emerged from the analysis. First, both parents and children perceived that weight was the primary indicator of health. However, parents focused on the negative physical implications of overweight while children focused on the negative social implications. Second, weight and lifestyle choices were highly moralised. Parents saw it as their responsibility to communicate to children the 'dangers' of fatness. Children reported that parents typically used negatively-framed messages and scare tactics rather than positively-framed messages to encourage healthy behaviours. Third was the perception among parents and children that if you were thin, then eating habits and exercise were less important, and that activity could provide an antidote to food choices. Results suggest that both parents and children are internalising messages relating to obesity and weight management that focus on personal responsibility and blame attribution. These views reflect the broader societal discourse, and their consolidation at the family level is likely to increase their potency and make them resistant to change.

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OBJECTIVE: To explore the attitudes and opinions of public health experts in gambling and related unhealthy commodity industries towards the tactics used by the gambling industry to prevent reform and the advocacy responses to these tactics. METHODS: In-depth interviews (30-60 minutes) with a convenience sample of 15 public health experts and stakeholders with a public health approach to gambling (n=10), or other unhealthy commodity industries (food, alcohol, tobacco, n=5). RESULTS: Participants described the influences of political lobbying and donations on public policy, and industry framing of problem gambling as an issue of personal responsibility. Industry funding of, and influence over, academic research was considered to be one of the most effective industry tactics to resist reform. Participants felt there was a need to build stronger coalitions and collaborations between independent academics, and to improve the utilisation of media to more effectively shift perceptions of gambling harm away from the individual and towards the product. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS: Gambling industry tactics are similar to the tactics of other unhealthy commodity industries. However, advocacy initiatives to counter these tactics in gambling are less developed than in other areas. The formation of national public health coalitions, as well as a strong evidence base regarding industry tactics, will help to strengthen advocacy initiatives.

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OBJECTIVES: To investigate how gamblers interact with, and respond to, downstream social marketing campaigns that focus on the risks and harms of problem gambling and/or encourage help seeking. METHODS: Qualitative study of 100 gamblers with a range of gambling behaviours (from non-problem to problem gambling). We used a Social Constructivist approach. Our constant comparative method of data interpretation focused on how participants' experiences and interactions with gambling influenced their opinions towards, and interactions with social marketing campaigns. RESULTS: Three key themes emerged from the narratives. (i) Participants felt that campaigns were heavily skewed towards encouraging individuals to take personal responsibility for their gambling behaviours or were targeted towards those with severe gambling problems. (ii) Participants described the difficulty for campaigns to achieve 'cut through' because of the overwhelming volume of positive messages about the benefits of gambling that were given by the gambling industry. (iii) Some participants described that dominant discourses about personal responsibility prevented them from seeking help and reinforced perceptions of stigma. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS: Social marketing campaigns have an important role to play in the prevention of gambling risk behaviours and the promotion of help seeking. Social marketers should explore how to more effectively target campaigns to different audience segments, understand the role of environmental factors in undermining the uptake of social marketing strategies and anticipate the potential unforeseen consequences of social marketing strategies.

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News reporting, in channels such as broadcast and print media, on obesity as an issue has increased dramatically in the last decade. A qualitative study, in which we used in-depth interviews and thematic analysis, was undertaken to explore 142 obese individuals’ perceptions of, and responses to, news reporting about obesity. Participants believed that news reporting on obesity focused on personal responsibility and blame, and portrayed obese people as “freaks.” They described being portrayed as “enemies” of society who were rarely given a voice or identity in such news coverage unless they were seen to be succeeding at weight loss. They were also critical of the simplistic coverage of obesity, which was in contrast with their personal experiences of obesity as complex and difficult to address. Participants believed that obesity news reporting added to the discrimination they experienced. We consider how this news reporting may act as a form of “synoptical” social control, working in tandem with wider public health panoptical surveillance of obesity.

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The managerial diagnostic carried out at Construtora e Incorporadora A. Bueno Ltda. ¿ CIAB, points to an administrative structure within the concepts of the Classic Theory of Administration. We believe that, to the solution of its operations, it is necessary to turn to the main principle of the Theory of Administration (preview, organize, command, coordinate and control) as a way of finding, according to Taylor and Fayol studies, one possible solution to this case. Nevertheless, the companies adopt other administrative approaches on its operational process although, we understand that nothing has changed, they are still dependent and/or are connected to the principles of these classic authors. So, to the solution of the internal disorganized problems, it is priority the introduction of administrative processes and also the restructuring of the operational processes such as: the study of the time and movement, the rationalization of the physical and material efforts, the supplement of objectives and profitability. Then, according to Fayol the administration is not an exclusive privilege and a personal responsibility of the boss or the leaders of the company; it is a function that shares, like other essential functions, among the head and the members of the company. Consequently, to Fayol, the administration is the search of the maxim prosperity to all involved. So, this study has the aim to elaborate a consultant project to the organizational structurate of the CIAB company, according to the Theory of the Administration.

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Nas últimas três décadas, intensificou-se na academia o debate sobre o tema gestão de carreiras. As transformações sociais, econômicas, tecnológicas e sua influência sobre o mercado de trabalho aguçaram o interesse dos pesquisadores organizacionais em entender como os indivíduos conduzem suas carreiras nesse novo cenário. A noção da responsabilidade pessoal na administração da própria carreira torna-se relevante, diminuindo o papel da organização nesse processo. Flexibilidade, autoconhecimento e abertura à mobilidade no trabalho são novos requisitos. Surgem na literatura dois modelos que bem expressam essa realidade: a carreira proteana e sem fronteiras. Este estudo teve como objetivo explorar de que forma servidores públicos federais da área de segurança pública – os peritos criminais do Instituto Nacional de Criminalística da Polícia Federal – gerenciam suas carreiras à luz de tais fenômenos, considerando o ambiente organizacional tradicional no qual estão imersos. Aspectos de comprometimento e entrincheiramento na carreira também foram considerados. Optou-se pela estratégia qualitativa com uso de estudo de caso e pesquisa documental. Foram realizadas onze (11) entrevistas em profundidade, cujo conteúdo foi analisado de acordo com uma grade temática pré-estabelecida. Os resultados revelam que atitudes de carreira proteana e sem fronteiras são identificadas mesmo com a rigidez do modelo administrativo de carreira do serviço público federal. Além disso, há indícios de entrincheiramento voluntário na carreira, sem, no entanto, afetar o comprometimento com a carreira. A pesquisa pretende abrir novas possibilidades de entendimento sobre o tema no setor público, em especial na área de segurança pública, considerando as peculiaridades de suas carreiras.

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This paper describes the most important cognitive models for obsessive-compulsive disorder, i. e., the inference processes (thoughts and believes) underlying the patients'feelings and behaviors. The major models formulated in this area emphasize the following aspects: exacerbated perception of danger (risk evaluation), overimportance of intrusive thoughts, excessive sense of personal responsibility (blame for harm self and others), perfectionism, psychological fusion of thought and action, and illogical inference processes involving confusion between imagination and reality. The knowledge of cognitive aspects brings new perspectives for the psychological treatment of this disorder.

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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS