Audience members (including Max Rieser?); 3rd International Congress of Aesthetics; Venice Portraits Groups

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Josef Rieser drinking the waters with an unidentified man in the streets of Marienbad, Czechoslovakia Portraits Men

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Born leaders: Political selection and the relative age effect in the US Congress

We present substantial evidence for the existence of a bias in the distribution of births of leading US politicians in favour of those who were the eldest in their cohort at school. This result adds to the research on the long-term effects of relative age among peers at school. We discuss parametric and non-parametric tests to identify this effect, and we show that it is not driven by measurement error, redshirting or a sorting effect of highly educated parents. The magnitude of the effect that we estimate is larger than what other studies on ‘relative age effects’ have found for broader populations but is in general consistent with research that looks at professional sportsmen. We also find that relative age does not seem to correlate with the quality of elected politicians.

Judah P. Benjamin collection, undated, 1838-1942.

The collection consists of 25 letters written by Benjamin between 1838 and 1881 on a variety of subjects, four Confederate notes and two bonds bearing his picture, miscellaneous items about Benjamin (1893-1942), nine issues of the Congressional globe with speeches by Benjamin, as well as separate copies of his printed speeches, and a photostatic copy of the "Diary of Events" (400 pp.) kept by Benjamin, the original of which is in the Library of Congress (1862-1864).

Letter to Aaron Levy from Trustees of K.K.S.I., February 21, 1820

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Conversion certificate of Jacob Bar Abraham Abinu, copy made January 3, 1820

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[Destroyed synagogues and Jewish cemeteries in Czechoslovakia].

List of synagogues and Jewish cemeteries in Czechoslovakia that have been destroyed by the Nazis, 1939-1945, accompanied by some photographs (photocopies).

Normalization and Charter 77 : Violence, Commitment and Resistance in Czechoslovakia

In Czechoslovakia, the occupation of 1968 denoted the beginning of normalization , a political and societal stagnation that lasted two decades. Dissident initiative Charter 77 emerged in 1977, demanding that the leaders of the country respect human rights. The Helsinki process provided a macro-level framework that influenced opposition and dissident activities throughout Eastern Europe. The study contributes a focused empirical analysis of the period of normalization and the dissident movement Charter 77. Dissent in general is seen as an existential attitude; it can be encapsulated as a morally rationalized critical stance as derived from shared experience or interpretation of injustice, which serves as a basis for a shared collective identity comprising oppositional consciousness as one unifying factor. The study suggests that normalization can be understood as a fundamentally violent process and discusses the structural and cultural manifestations of violence with relation to Charter 77. In general, the aim of the system was to passivize the society to such an extent that it would not constitute a potential threat to the hegemonic rule of the regime. Normalization caused societal stagnation and apoliticization, but it also benefited those who accepted the new political reality. The study, however, questions the image of Czechoslovakia s allegedly highly repressive rule by showing that there was also quite considerable tolerance of Charter 77 and consideration before severe repression was brought to bear against dissidents. Furthermore, the study provides understanding of the motives and impetuses behind dissent, the strategic shifts in Charter 77 activities, and the changes in the regime s policies toward Charter 77. The study also adds new perspective on the common image of Charter 77 as a non political initiative and suggests that Charter 77 was, in fact, a political entity, an actively political one in the latter half of the 1980s. Charter 77 was a de facto hybrid of a traditional dissident initiative and an oppositional actor. Charter 77 adopted a two-dimension approach: firstly, it still emphasized its role as a citizens initiative supporting human rights, but, secondly, at the same time, it was a directly political actor supporting and furthering the development of political opposition against the ruling power.

Conferencia "Culture, Freedom and Christianity", presentada por Alberto de Onaindia en el Congress for Cultural Freedom, celebrado en Berlín en 1950.

Fecha: 2-7-1950 / Unidad de instalación: Carpeta 45 - Expediente 2-27 / Nº de pág.: 6 (mecanografiadas)

Collecção das Leis do Brazil de 1820

Parte 1 - Cartas de Lei, Alvarás, Decretos e Cartas Régias

Moment of creation : conception of Brasília and of the National Congress

Contém uma síntese de ideias sobre Brasília e o Congresso Nacional, com foco na Câmara dos Deputados. Tem por intenção explorar as relações entre a cidade e o edifício, de modo a discutir sobre como ambos estão estreitamente associados, a ponto de ser difícil imaginar um apartado do outro.

Viagem a provincia de Santa Catharina : 1820

Auguste de Saint-Hilaire foi membro da Academia de Sciencias do Instituto de França. Professor da Faculdade de Sciencias de Patis. Do Instituto Historico e Geographlco Brasileiro, da Socie.dade de Medicina do Rio de Janeiro, etc .

An examination of strategic opportunities provided by the conference committee procedure in the U.S. Congress

Deference to committees in Congress has been a much studied phenomena for close to 100 years. This deference can be characterized as the unwillingness of a potentially winning coalition on the House floor to impose its will on a small minority, a standing committee. The congressional scholar is then faced with two problems: observing such deference to committees, and explaining it. Shepsle and Weingast have proposed the existence of an ex-post veto for standing committees as an explanation of committee deference. They claim that as conference reports in the House and Senate are considered under a rule that does not allow amendments, the conferees enjoy agenda-setting power. In this paper I describe a test of such a hypothesis (along with competing hypotheses regarding the effects of the conference procedure). A random-utility model is utilized to estimate legislators' ideal points on appropriations bills from 1973 through 1980. I prove two things: 1) that committee deference can not be said to be a result of the conference procedure; and moreover 2) that committee deference does not appear to exist at all.