796 resultados para Office practice in government.


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Includes an analysis of a survey of Illinois public defenders prepared by the Spangenberg Group.

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pt. 1. January 27, 29, 1947,. 76 p.--pt. 2. February 3, 5, 7, 1947. pp. 77-216.--pt. 3. February 19, 21, 1947. pp. 217-280.--pt. 4. February 24-28, 1947. pp. 281-426.--pt. 5. March 3-17, 1947. pp. 427-562.--pt. 6. March 19-April 3, 1947. pp. 563-625.--pt. 7. April 14-21, 1947. pp. 627-710.--pt. 8. April 28, May 2, 5, 7, 12, 14, 1947. pp. 711-863.p--pt. 9. May 21, June 9, 1947. pp. 865-967.--pt. 10. Corespondence and reports. 1947. pp. 979-1010.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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The thesis compares two contrasting strategies employed with the aim of combating particular forms of racism within contemporary Britain. Both are assessed as political strategies in their own right and placed within the broader context of reformist and revolutionary political traditions. The sociology of social movements is examined critically, as are Marxist and post-Marxist writings on the role of human agency within social structures and on the nature of social movements. The history of the Anti Nazi League (ANL) in the late 1970s and its opposition to the National Front is considered as an example of anti-racist social movement based on the Trotskyist model of the United Front. The degree to which the Anti Nazi League corresponded to such a model is analysed as are the potential broader applications for such a strategy. The strategy with which the ANL is compared is the development of anti-racist and equal opportunities policies within local government in the 1980s, primarily by Labour-controlled local authorities. The theory of the local state and the political phenomenon of municipal socialism are discussed, specifically the role of various groups operating in and around local authorities in the formation and implementation of anti-racist policy and practice. Following this general discussion, two case studies in each of the areas of local authority housing, education and employment are explored to consider in depth the problems of specific anti-racist policies. In summation the efficacy of the two strategies are considered as parts of wider political currents in tandem with their declared specific objectives.

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The proliferation of visual display terminals (VDTs) in offices is an international phenomenon. Numerous studies have investigated the health implications which can be categorised into visual problems, symptoms of musculo-skelctal discomfort, or psychosocial effects. The psychosocial effects are broader and there is mixed evidence in this area. The inconsistent results from the studies of VDT work so far undertaken may reflect several methodological shortcomings. In an attempt to overcome these deficiencies and to broaden the model of inter-relationships a model was developed to investigate their interactions and Ihc outputs of job satisfaction, stress and ill health. The study was a two-stage, long-term investigation with measures taken before the VDTs were introduced and the same measures taken 12 months after the 'go-live' date. The research was conducted in four offices of the Department of Social Security. The data were analysed for each individual site and in addition the total data were used in a path analysis model. Significant positive relationships were found at the pre-implementation stage between the musculo-skeletal discomfort, psychosomatic ailments, visual complaints and stress. Job satisfaction was negatively related to visual complaints and musculo-skeletal discomfort. Direct paths were found for age and job level with variety found in the job and age with job satisfaction and a negative relationship with the office environment. The only job characteristic which had a direct path to stress was 'dealing with others'. Similar inter-relationships were found in the post-implementation data. However, in addition attributes of the computer system, such as screen brightness and glare, were related positively with stress and negatively with job satisfaction. The comparison of the data at the two stages found that there had been no significant changes in the users' perceptions of their job characteristics and job satisfaction but there was a small and significant reduction in the stress measure.

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Rural residents of NL face some of the most complex and challenging mental health issues including depression, schizophrenia, and risk of suicide with inadequate and hard to access treatment services. Due to the increasing demands for mental health services, government officials have been emphasizing the need for more responsive and person-centered services to meet client needs. Time-sensitive counselling, an alternative approach to long-term counselling, provides more timely and focused interventions. Mental Health services in Bonavista, a rural community in NL, recently began offering time-sensitive counselling services to its residents, entitled the “Change Clinic.” This phenomenological qualitative research study explored individuals’ experiences of time-sensitive counselling services as offered by mental health services in Bonavista. The results of this research study are detailed and suggest that time-sensitive counselling services can assist in meeting the service needs of rural residents of NL.

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Background: Community participation has become an integral part of many areas of public policy over the last two decades. For a variety of reasons, ranging from concerns about social cohesion and unrest to perceived failings in public services, governments in the UK and elsewhere have turned to communities as both a site of intervention and a potential solution. In contemporary policy, the shift to community is exemplified by the UK Governments Big Society/Localism agenda and the Scottish Governments emphasis on Community Empowerment. Through such policies, communities have been increasingly encouraged to help themselves in various ways, to work with public agencies in reshaping services, and to become more engaged in the democratic process. These developments have led some theorists to argue that responsibilities are being shifted from the state onto communities, representing a new form of 'government through community' (Rose, 1996; Imrie and Raco, 2003). Despite this policy development, there is surprisingly little evidence which demonstrates the outcomes of the different forms of community participation. This study attempts to address this gap in two ways. Firstly, it explores the ways in which community participation policy in Scotland and England are playing out in practice. And secondly, it assesses the outcomes of different forms of community participation taking place within these broad policy contexts. Methodology: The study employs an innovative combination of the two main theory-based evaluation methodologies, Theories of Change (ToC) and Realist Evaluation (RE), building on ideas generated by earlier applications of each approach (Blamey and Mackenzie, 2007). ToC methodology is used to analyse the national policy frameworks and the general approach of community organisations in six case studies, three in Scotland and three in England. The local evidence from the community organisations’ theories of change is then used to analyse and critique the assumptions which underlie the Localism and Community Empowerment policies. Alongside this, across the six case studies, a RE approach is utilised to examine the specific mechanisms which operate to deliver outcomes from community participation processes, and to explore the contextual factors which influence their operation. Given the innovative methodological approach, the study also engages in some focused reflection on the practicality and usefulness of combining ToC and RE approaches. Findings: The case studies provide significant evidence of the outcomes that community organisations can deliver through directly providing services or facilities, and through influencing public services. Important contextual factors in both countries include particular strengths within communities and positive relationships with at least part of the local state, although this often exists in parallel with elements of conflict. Notably this evidence suggests that the idea of responsibilisation needs to be examined in a more nuanced fashion, incorporating issues of risk and power, as well the active agency of communities and the local state. Thus communities may sometimes willingly take on responsibility in return for power, although this may also engender significant risk, with the balance between these three elements being significantly mediated by local government. The evidence also highlights the impacts of austerity on community participation, with cuts to local government budgets in particular increasing the degree of risk and responsibility for communities and reducing opportunities for power. Furthermore, the case studies demonstrate the importance of inequalities within and between communities, operating through a socio-economic gradient in community capacity. This has the potential to make community participation policy regressive as more affluent communities are more able to take advantage of additional powers and local authorities have less resource to support the capacity of more disadvantaged communities. For Localism in particular, the findings suggest that some of the ‘new community rights’ may provide opportunities for communities to gain power and generate positive social outcomes. However, the English case studies also highlight the substantial risks involved and the extent to which such opportunities are being undermined by austerity. The case studies suggest that cuts to local government budgets have the potential to undermine some aspects of Localism almost entirely, and that the very limited interest in inequalities means that Localism may be both ‘empowering the powerful’ (Hastings and Matthews, 2014) and further disempowering the powerless. For Community Empowerment, the study demonstrates the ways in which community organisations can gain power and deliver positive social outcomes within the broad policy framework. However, whilst Community Empowerment is ostensibly less regressive, there are still significant challenges to be addressed. In particular, the case studies highlight significant constraints on the notion that communities can ‘choose their own level of empowerment’, and the assumption of partnership working between communities and the local state needs to take into account the evidence of very mixed relationships in practice. Most importantly, whilst austerity has had more limited impacts on local government in Scotland so far, the projected cuts in this area may leave Community Empowerment vulnerable to the dangers of regressive impact highlighted for Localism. Methodologically, the study shows that ToC and RE can be practically applied together and that there may be significant benefits of the combination. ToC offers a productive framework for policy analysis and combining this with data derived from local ToCs provides a powerful lens through which to examine and critique the aims and assumptions of national policy. ToC models also provide a useful framework within which to identify specific causal mechanisms, using RE methodology and, again, the data from local ToC work can enable significant learning about ‘what works for whom in what circumstances’ (Pawson and Tilley, 1997).