Book Review of "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?": Aboriginal Communities, Restorative Justice, and the Challenges of Conflict and Change by Jane Dickson-Gilmore and Carol La Prairie

Over the past decade or two, restorative justice has become a popular approach for the criminal justice system to take in Canada, New Zealand, and Australia. In part, this is due in all three countries to an appalling disproportionality in the incarceration rates for racialized minorities. As the authors of "Will the Circle Be Unbroken?" point out, however, governments have been attracted to restorative justice for cost-cutting reasons as well. A burning question, therefore, is whether restorative justice works.

"Como a señor natural" : Interpretaciones políticas del Cantar de Mio Cid

El artículo replantea bajo otra luz la proximidad del Cantar de mio Cid a ciertos hechos históricos de su tiempo, tomando en consideración un concepto político central en el texto que, de alguna forma, aflora en relación con las revueltas burguesas del siglo xii: el concepto de señor natural, que aparece cinco veces a lo largo del poema. Lo que sugiere la aparición del término, en documentos a comienzos del siglo XII, es que el concepto de señor natural se desarrolló en el marco de las revueltas burguesas (con las que Molho y Catalán ligan el espacio del Cantar, aunque justamente representa una posición política contraria a la de los burgueses y caballeros pardos), como un mecanismo para defender la legitimidad del rey y desposeer las aspiraciones de los sublevados. En el Cantar, la función de la idea de señor natural apunta a la sustitución de un orden previo, dominado exclusivamente por el vasallaje, por uno nuevo en el que tal idea se nivela con la de naturaleza, y propicia una mayor justicia social. La naturaleza, vista ahora como fundamento de la organización política, permite al Cid recuperar su posición en la corte y evita que sea meramente un príncipe independiente.

"Como a señor natural" : Interpretaciones políticas del Cantar de Mio Cid

El artículo replantea bajo otra luz la proximidad del Cantar de mio Cid a ciertos hechos históricos de su tiempo, tomando en consideración un concepto político central en el texto que, de alguna forma, aflora en relación con las revueltas burguesas del siglo xii: el concepto de señor natural, que aparece cinco veces a lo largo del poema. Lo que sugiere la aparición del término, en documentos a comienzos del siglo XII, es que el concepto de señor natural se desarrolló en el marco de las revueltas burguesas (con las que Molho y Catalán ligan el espacio del Cantar, aunque justamente representa una posición política contraria a la de los burgueses y caballeros pardos), como un mecanismo para defender la legitimidad del rey y desposeer las aspiraciones de los sublevados. En el Cantar, la función de la idea de señor natural apunta a la sustitución de un orden previo, dominado exclusivamente por el vasallaje, por uno nuevo en el que tal idea se nivela con la de naturaleza, y propicia una mayor justicia social. La naturaleza, vista ahora como fundamento de la organización política, permite al Cid recuperar su posición en la corte y evita que sea meramente un príncipe independiente.

"Como a señor natural" : Interpretaciones políticas del Cantar de Mio Cid

El artículo replantea bajo otra luz la proximidad del Cantar de mio Cid a ciertos hechos históricos de su tiempo, tomando en consideración un concepto político central en el texto que, de alguna forma, aflora en relación con las revueltas burguesas del siglo xii: el concepto de señor natural, que aparece cinco veces a lo largo del poema. Lo que sugiere la aparición del término, en documentos a comienzos del siglo XII, es que el concepto de señor natural se desarrolló en el marco de las revueltas burguesas (con las que Molho y Catalán ligan el espacio del Cantar, aunque justamente representa una posición política contraria a la de los burgueses y caballeros pardos), como un mecanismo para defender la legitimidad del rey y desposeer las aspiraciones de los sublevados. En el Cantar, la función de la idea de señor natural apunta a la sustitución de un orden previo, dominado exclusivamente por el vasallaje, por uno nuevo en el que tal idea se nivela con la de naturaleza, y propicia una mayor justicia social. La naturaleza, vista ahora como fundamento de la organización política, permite al Cid recuperar su posición en la corte y evita que sea meramente un príncipe independiente.

The Voice in the Whirlwind: Lessons for Job -- Randomness and Natural Evil

The innocent Job suffers, friends are no help, and then Job screams at Yahweh, demanding justice. The first surprise is that Yehweh responds to Job, does not criticize him but tells him he is ignorant, and then gives him a science lesson. The content of that lesson is the second surprise.

A discourse on natural religion: delivered in the Chapel of the University at Cambridge, September 5, 1787

The hand-sewn notebook contains a 35-page manuscript draft of the Dudleian lecture delivered by Simeon Howard on September 5, 1787 at Harvard College. The sermon begins with the Biblical text Acts 17:28. The copy includes a small number of edits and struck-out words. The covers are no longer with the item. The lecture was not printed.

A discourse on natural religion: delivered in the chapel of the University in Cambridge, September 3r, 1795, at the lecture founded by the Honourable Paul Dudley, Esqr

The hand-sewn notebook contains a manuscript draft of the Dudleian lecture delivered by Thomas Barnard on September 3, 1795 at Harvard College. The sermon begins with the Biblical text Acts 14-57. The copy includes a small number of edits and struck-out words. The covers are no longer with the item.

CONSTITUTIONAL JUSTICE IN AFRICA: An Examination of Constitutional Positivism, Fundamental Law and Rights in Ghana and Nigeria

This work explores the idea of constitutional justice in Africa with a focus on constitutional interpretation in Ghana and Nigeria. The objective is to develop a theory of constitutional interpretation based upon a conception of law that allows the existing constitutions of Ghana and Nigeria to be construed by the courts as law in a manner that best serves the collective wellbeing of the people. The project involves an examination of both legal theory and substantive constitutional law. The theoretical argument will be applied to show how a proper understanding of the ideals of the rule of law and constitutionalism in Ghana and Nigeria necessitate the conclusion that socio-economic rights in those countries are constitutionally protected and judicially enforceable. The thesis argues that this conclusion follows from a general claim that constitutions should represent a ‘fundamental law’ and must be construed as an aspirational moral ideal for the common good of the people. The argument is essentially about the inherent character of ‘legality’ or the ‘rule of law.’ It weaves together ideas developed by Lon Fuller, Ronald Dworkin, T.R.S. Allan and David Dyzenhaus, as well as the strand of common law constitutionalism associated with Sir Edward Coke, to develop a moral sense of ‘law’ that transcends the confines of positive or explicit law while remaining inherently ‘legal’ as opposed to purely moral or political. What emerges is an unwritten fundamental law of reason located between pure morality or natural law on the one hand and strict, explicit, or positive law on the other. It is argued that this fundamental law is, or should be, the basis of constitutional interpretation, especially in transitional democracies like Ghana and Nigeria, and that it grounds constitutional protection for socio-economic rights. Equipped with this theory of law, courts in developing African countries like Ghana and Nigeria will be in a better position to contribute towards developing a real sense of constitutional justice for Africa.

Justice,

Mode of access: Internet.

Harnessing Natural Resources for Development: New Legal Regimes for Localized Benefit Sharing in the Mining Sector

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

CONSTITUTIONAL JUSTICE IN AFRICA: An Examination of Constitutional Positivism, Fundamental Law and Rights in Ghana and Nigeria

This work explores the idea of constitutional justice in Africa with a focus on constitutional interpretation in Ghana and Nigeria. The objective is to develop a theory of constitutional interpretation based upon a conception of law that allows the existing constitutions of Ghana and Nigeria to be construed by the courts as law in a manner that best serves the collective wellbeing of the people. The project involves an examination of both legal theory and substantive constitutional law. The theoretical argument will be applied to show how a proper understanding of the ideals of the rule of law and constitutionalism in Ghana and Nigeria necessitate the conclusion that socio-economic rights in those countries are constitutionally protected and judicially enforceable. The thesis argues that this conclusion follows from a general claim that constitutions should represent a ‘fundamental law’ and must be construed as an aspirational moral ideal for the common good of the people. The argument is essentially about the inherent character of ‘legality’ or the ‘rule of law.’ It weaves together ideas developed by Lon Fuller, Ronald Dworkin, T.R.S. Allan and David Dyzenhaus, as well as the strand of common law constitutionalism associated with Sir Edward Coke, to develop a moral sense of ‘law’ that transcends the confines of positive or explicit law while remaining inherently ‘legal’ as opposed to purely moral or political. What emerges is an unwritten fundamental law of reason located between pure morality or natural law on the one hand and strict, explicit, or positive law on the other. It is argued that this fundamental law is, or should be, the basis of constitutional interpretation, especially in transitional democracies like Ghana and Nigeria, and that it grounds constitutional protection for socio-economic rights. Equipped with this theory of law, courts in developing African countries like Ghana and Nigeria will be in a better position to contribute towards developing a real sense of constitutional justice for Africa.

Design as Symbolic Violence. Design for Social Justice.

Design embeds ideas in communication and artefacts in subtle and psychologically powerful ways. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu coined the term ‘symbolic violence’ to describe how powerful ideologies, priorities, values and even sensibilities are constructed and reproduced through cultural institutions, processes and practices. Through symbolic violence, individuals learn to consider unjust conditions as natural and even come to value customs and ideas that are oppressive. Symbolic violence normalises structural violence and enables real violence to take place, often preceding it and later justifying it. Feminist, class, race and indigenous scholars and activists describe how oppressions (how patriarchy, racism, colonialism, etc.) exist within institutions and structures, and also within cultural practices that embed ideologies into everyday life. The theory of symbolic violence sheds light on how design can function to naturalise oppressions and then obfuscate power relations around this process. Through symbolic violence, design can function as an enabler for the exploitation of certain groups of people and the environment they (and ultimately ‘we’) depend on to live. Design functions as symbolic violence when it is involved with the creation and reproduction of ideas, practices, tools and processes that result in structural and other types of violence (including ecocide). Breaking symbolic violence involves discovering how it works and building capacities to challenge and transform dysfunctional ideologies, structures and institutions. This conversation will give participants an opportunity to discuss, critique and/or develop the theory of design as symbolic violence as a basis for the development of design strategies for social justice.

Trust, confidence, and equity affect the legitimacy of natural resource governance

Social-ecological systems are often highly complex, making effective governance a considerable challenge. In large, heterogeneous systems, hierarchical institutional regimes may be efficient, but effective management outcomes are dependent on stakeholder support. This support is shaped by perceptions of legitimacy, which risks being undermined where resource users are not engaged in decision-making. Although legitimacy is demonstrably critical for effective governance, less is known about the factors contributing to stakeholders’ perceptions of legitimacy or how these perceptions are socially differentiated. We quantitatively assessed stakeholder perceptions of legitimacy (indicated by support for rules) and their contributory factors among 307 commercial fishers and tourism operators in Australia’s Great Barrier Reef Marine Park. Legitimacy was most strongly associated with trust in information from governing bodies, followed by confidence in institutional performance and the equity of management outcomes. Legitimacy differed both within and among resource user groups, which emphasizes the heterogeneous nature of commonly defined stakeholder groups. Overall, tourism operators perceived higher legitimacy than did commercial fishers, which was associated with higher trust in information from management agencies. For fishers, higher levels of trust were associated with: (1) engagement in fisheries that had high subsector cohesion and positive previous experiences of interactions with governing bodies; (2) location in areas with greater proximity to sources of knowledge, resources, and decision-making; and (3) engagement in a Reef Guardian program. These findings highlight the necessity of strategies and processes to build trust among all user groups in large social-ecological systems such as the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park. Furthermore, the social differentiation of perceptions that were observed within user groups underscores the importance of targeted strategies to engage groups that may not be heard through traditional governance channels.

Surveillance in Cyberspace: Applying Natural and Place Manager Surveillance to System Trespassing

Research on the criminological side of system trespassing (i.e. unlawfully gaining access to a computer system) is relatively rare and has yet to examine the effect of the presence of other users on the system during the trespassing event (i.e. the time of communication between a trespasser’s system and the infiltrated system). This thesis seeks to analyze this relationship drawing on principles of Situational Crime Prevention, Routine Activities Theory, and restrictive deterrence. Data were collected from a randomized control trial of target computers deployed on the Internet network of a large U.S. university. This study examined whether the number (one or multiple) and type (administrative or non-administrative) of computer users present on a system reduced the seriousness and frequency of trespassing. Results indicated that the type of user (administrative) produced a restrictive deterrent effect and significantly reduced the frequency and duration of trespassing events.

Defending the 'public interest': an assessment of competing actor representations of 'solutions' to growing natural resource deficiencies.

This paper applies a SRT framework to the study of two case studies, namely the recent campaign of opposition to the legalization of hydraulic fracking in the State of New York and the more ongoing debate on land leasing in Africa. In relation to both campaigns, the analysis accounts for the arguments of a major financial institution and industry representatives who stress the safe and value-adding dimensions of these practices, as well as the views of opponents who refute the validity of industry's position and point to the unacceptable risks posed to the community, health and the environment. In spite of a number of obvious differences between these two case studies, not least differences arising from contrasting socio-economic and geo-political settings, there were also some notable similarities. First, was a tendency amongst protesters in both cases to formulate their role as contemporaries in a historically extended struggle for democratic justice. All perceived of themselves as guardians of their community's right to resist a corporate 'invasion' of their territories, like their forefathers and mothers before them. A theme of colonialism was explored in both settings through various identity and thematic anchoring devices that deliberately evoked shared understandings and historical memories of exploitation and human suffering. The evocation of powerful symbols of identity through visual narratives of protest further reinforced the cultural comprehensibility of opponents' message of protest in both contexts.