98 resultados para Narcotics
Resumo:
The study in its entirety focused on factors related to adolescents decisions concerning drug use. The term drug use is taken here to include the use of tobacco products, alcohol, narcotics, and other addictive substances. First, the reasons given for drug use (attributions) were investigated. Secondly, the influence of personal goals, the beliefs involved in decision making, psychosocial adjustment including body image and involvement with peers, and parental relationships on drug use were studied. Two cohorts participated in the study. In 1984, a questionnaire on reasons for drug use was administered to a sample of adolescents aged 14-16 (N=396). A further questionnaire was administered to another sample of adolescents aged 14-16 (N=488) in 1999. The results for both cohorts were analyzed in Articles I and II. In Articles III and IV further analysis was carried out on the second cohort (N=488). The research report presented here provides a synthesis of all four articles, together with material from a further analysis. In a comparison of the two cohorts it was found that the attributions for drug use had changed considerably over the intervening fifteen-year period. In relation to alcohol and narcotics use an increase was found in reasons involving inner subjective experiences, with mention of the good feeling and fun resulting from alcohol and narcotics use. In addition, the goals of alcohol consumption were increasingly perceived as drinking to get drunk, and for its own sake. The attributions for the adolescents own smoking behavior were quite different from the attributions for smoking by others. The attributions were only weakly influenced by the participants gender or by their smoking habits, either in 1984 or 1999. In relation to participants own smoking, the later questionnaire elicited more mention of inner subjective experiences involving "good feeling. In relation to the perceived reasons for other people s smoking, it elicited more responses connected with the notion of "belonging. In the second sample, the results indicated that the levels of body satisfaction among adolescent girls are lower than those among adolescent boys. Overall, dissatisfaction with one's physical appearance seemed to relate to drug use. Girls were also found to engage in more discussions than boys; this applied to (i) discussion with peers (concerning both intimate and general matters), and (ii) discussion with parents (concerning general matters). However, more than a quarter of the boys (out of the entire population) reported only low intimacy with both parents and peers. If both drinking and smoking were considered, it seemed that girls in particular who reported drinking and smoking also reported high intimacy with parents and peers. Boys who reported drinking and smoking reported only medium intimacy with parents and peers. In addition, having an intimate relationship with one's peers was associated with a greater tendency to drink purely in order to get drunk. Overall, the results seemed to suggest that drug use is connected with a close relationship with peers and (surprisingly) with a close relationship with parents. Nevertheless, there were also indications that to some extent peer relationships can also protect adolescents from smoking and alcohol use. The results, which underline the complexity of adolescent drug use, are taken up in the Discussion section. It may be that body image and/or other identity factors play a more prominent role in all drug use than has previously been acknowledged. It does appear that in the course of planning support campaigns for adolescents at risk of drug use, we should focus more closely on individuals and their inner world. More research on this field is clearly needed, and therefore some ideas for future research are also presented.
Resumo:
The Eastern Mafia Threat policy, crime phenomena, and cultural meanings An interdisciplinary research on the crime phenomena and the threat policy relating to the organized crime and the mafia of Russia and Estonia is based on 151 expert interviews, statistics, documents, research literature, and press material. The main part of the material consists of interviews of the Finnish, Estonian and Russian police authorities specialized in the problem of organized crime, and the reports on the crime situation drawn up in the Finnish diplomatic representations in Tallinn and St Petersburg. The interviews have been gathered in the years 1996-2001. The main theoretical tools of the research are constructivist research on social problems, and political psychology. Definitional processes of social problems and cultural semantic structures behind them are identified in the analysis and connected to the analysis of the crime cases. Both in the Anglo-American and Russian cultural frames there appears an inflated and exaggerated talk, according to which the mafia rules everything in Russia and is spreading everywhere. There is the traditional anti-Semitic paranoia in the core of this cultural symbiosis produced by Russian legal nihilism, the theory of totalitarianism of Sovietology, and the inertia of Russian anti-capitalism. To equate the Sicilian Mafia with Russia is an anachronism, since no empirical proof of systematic uncontrolled violence or absolute power vacuum in Russia can be found. In the Anglo-American policy of threat images, "the Russian mafia" was seen as a commodified conspiracy theory, which the police, the media, and the research took advantage of, blurring the line between fact and fiction. In Finland, the evolution of the policy of threat images proceeded in three phases: Initially, extensive rolling of refugees and criminals from Russia to Finland was emphasized in the beginning of the 1990's. In the second phase, the eastern mafia was said to infiltrate all over Finnish society and administration. Finland was, however, found immune to this kind of spreading. In the third phase, in the 21st century, the organized crime of Finland was said to be lead from abroad. In Finland, the policy of threat images was especially canalised to moral panics connected to "eastern prostitution". In Estonia, the policy of threat images emphasized the crime organized by the Russian authorities and politicians in order to weaken Estonia. In Russia, the policy of threat images emphasized the total criminalizing of society caused by criminal capitalism. In every country, the policy of threat images was affected by a so-called large-group identity, a term by Vamik Volkan, in which a so-called chosen trauma caused a political paranoia of an outer and inner danger. In Finland, procuring, car theft, and narcotics crimes were at their widest arranged by the Finnish often with the help of the Estonians. The Russians had no influence in the most serious violent crimes in Finland, although the number of assassinations were at least 5, 000 in Russia in the 1990's. In Russia, the assassinations were on one hand connected to marital problems, on the other hand to the pursuit of public attention and a hoped-for effect by the aid of the murder of an influential person. In the white-collar crime phenomena between Finland and Russia, the Finnish state and Finnish corporations gained remarkable benefit of the frauds aimed at the states of the Soviet Union and Russia in 1980's-21st century. The situation of Estonia was very difficult compared to that of Russia in the 1990's, which was manifested in the stagnation of the Estonian police and judicial authorities, the crimes of the police and the voluntary paramilitary organization, bomb explosions, the rebellion called "the jaeger crisis" in the voluntary paramilitary organization, and the "blood autumn" of Eastern Virumaa, in other words terror. The situation of Estonia had a powerful effect on the crime situation of Finland and on the security of the Finnish diplomats. In the continuum of the Finnish policy of threat images, Russia and the Russians were, however, presented as a source of a marked danger.
Resumo:
The subjects of this study are Narcotics Anonymous (NA), a non-profit, peer-support-based fellowship, its recovery programme, and the former drug addicts who consider themselves members of the fellowship. The study data consist of episodic interviews (n=24) and questionnaires (n=212). In the collection of questionnaire data, survey research methods had to be applied judiciously. This study analyses NA members background and their substance abuse and treatment history, as well as factors that have contributed to or hindered their bonding with NA. A recovery model is presented that stems from NA s written and oral tradition, and which has been conceptualised into NA s recovery theory. At its simplest, NA s recovery theory can be described in two sentences: 1) There are drug dependent addicts who have an addiction disease. 2) Through an NA way of life, recovery is possible. In this study, addiction and addiction disease are described through recovery stories shared at NA. It also describes how the way of life offered by NA supports recovery from drug addiction, the way of life which recovering addicts have adopted, and how they have done so. The study also presents results that, based on the study data, emerge from participation in the NA programme, and describes how the NA recovery theory works in practice, i.e. how NA members utilise the tools provided by the fellowship and how the lives of recovering addicts change during their membership. Furthermore, this study also discusses criticism of NA. According to the study, NA affects the lives of recovering drug addicts in a number of ways. People of different ages and with a variety of personal, treatment and drug abuse histories seem to benefit from membership of NA. Viewed from the outside, NA may appear as strictly normative, but in practice each member can adapt the programme in a way that suits him/her best. Indeed, flexibility is one of the strengths of NA, but without more extensive knowledge of the fellowship, it is possible that the norms reflected in NA texts or the fanaticism of individual NA members may drive some people away. Due to the increasing number of NA members, the association is also able to provide more alternatives. This study confirms the view that peer support is important, as well as the fact that an official treatment system is required in parallel with peer support activities. NA can never fully replace professional support, neither should it be left with sole responsibility for recovering addicts. Keywords: Narcotics Anonymous, peer support, recovery study, recovery, substance addiction, drug treatment, drugs, explorative research
Resumo:
Este trabalho problematiza um tipo específico de racionalidade que emergiu nos fins do século XIX e avançou no século XX, implicando na constituição de uma política mundial destinada à regulamentação de determinadas substâncias psicoativas. Tais práticas foram possíveis em virtude de uma produção discursiva cujos enunciados médico-sanitários reivindicavam a intervenção dos Estados Nacionais em assegurar a saúde coletiva. No caso do uso de psicoativos, tais discursos fizeram emergir uma série de tratados internacionais, leis nacionais, normas e regulações que modificaram o comércio e os hábitos de consumo de tais substâncias, criminalizando qualquer uso que não estivesse de acordo com a legislação vigente. O recorte que esta dissertação procura fazer tem por foco analisar como esse processo se deu no Brasil, mais especificamente a partir da criação da Comissão Nacional de Fiscalização de Entorpecentes CNFE, organização esta de caráter governamental, que após sua criação passou a centralizar as políticas sociais sobre drogas no país. A CNFE foi constituída por meio do Decreto-Lei n 780em 28 de abril de 1936, vinculada ao Ministério das Relações Exteriores em conjunto com o Departamento Nacional de Saúde, através do Serviço de Fiscalização do Exercício Profissional. Neste caso, utilizando a documentação encontrada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, na Biblioteca de Saúde Pública da Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação da Fundação Getúlio Vargas, dentre outras. Procurei delimitar esta pesquisa nos primeiros dez anos de atuação da Comissão, isto é, entre 1936 e 1946, para tanto, utilizo como instrumento de análise teórico-metodológico duas noções que serviram às reflexões do pensador francês Michel Foucault; biopolítica e governamentalidade. Desta forma, procuro acionar tais noções para localizar as estratégias de poder que culminaram na governamentalização do Estado voltadas para a gestão da vida das populações, tendo como pano de fundo os interditos das políticas sociais sobre drogas.
Resumo:
Release of endogenous dynorphin opioids within the spinal cord after partial sciatic nerve ligation (pSNL) is known to contribute to the neuropathic pain processes. Using a phosphoselective antibody [kappa opioid receptor (KOR-P)] able to detect the serine 369 phosphorylated form of the KOR, we determined possible sites of dynorphin action within the spinal cord after pSNL. KOR-P immunoreactivity (IR) was markedly increased in the L4-L5 spinal dorsal horn of wild-type C57BL/6 mice (7-21 d) after lesion, but not in mice pretreated with the KOR antagonist nor-binaltorphimine (norBNI). In addition, knock-out mice lacking prodynorphin, KOR, or G-protein receptor kinase 3 (GRK3) did not show significant increases in KOR-P IR after pSNL. KOR-P IR was colocalized in both GABAergic neurons and GFAP-positive astrocytes in both ipsilateral and contralateral spinal dorsal horn. Consistent with sustained opioid release, KOR knock-out mice developed significantly increased tactile allodynia and thermal hyperalgesia in both the early (first week) and late (third week) interval after lesion. Similarly, mice pretreated with norBNI showed enhanced hyperalgesia and allodynia during the 3 weeks after pSNL. Because sustained activation of opioid receptors might induce tolerance, we measured the antinociceptive effect of the kappa agonist U50,488 using radiant heat applied to the ipsilateral hindpaw, and we found that agonist potency was significantly decreased 7 d after pSNL. In contrast, neither prodynorphin nor GRK3 knock-out mice showed U50,488 tolerance after pSNL. These findings suggest that pSNL induced a sustained release of endogenous prodynorphin-derived opioid peptides that activated an anti-nociceptive KOR system in mouse spinal cord. Thus, endogenous dynorphin had both pronociceptive and antinociceptive actions after nerve injury and induced GRK3-mediated opioid tolerance.
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From tackling illicit flows of small arms to combating nuclear smuggling, the shadow trade has become a central target of attempts to control the means of violence. This article argues that much of this practice and literature is framed in unhelpful terms that posit two distinct worlds, an upperworld and underworld, that separates illicit flow networks from the familiar world of state security policy. This implies that the possibilities for controlling the shadow trade are limited or require expansive and expensive controls. The article then examines the formation of illicit flow networks, drawing on examples including narcotics, small arms, nuclear materials, nuclear technology, major conventional arms, dual use technologies, and chemical weapons precursors; and finds that state and hybrid actors rather than extensive private networks are constitutive of illicit networks in many ways. It concludes by reclaiming hope for controlling the means of violence in this hybridity.
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The purpose of this study was to explore nurses' perceptions of their current practices related to administering pain medications to long-term care (LTC) residents. A cross-sectional survey design was used, including both quantitative and open-ended questions. Data were collected from 165 nurses (59% response rate) at nine LTC homes in southern Ontario, Canada. The majority (85%) felt that the medication administration system was adequate to help them manage residents' pain and 98% felt comfortable administering narcotics. In deciding to administer a narcotic, nurses were influenced by pain assessments, physician orders, diagnosis, past history, effectiveness of non-narcotics and fear of making dosage miscalculations or developing addictions. Finally, most nurses stated that they trusted the physicians and pharmacists to ensure orders were safe. These findings highlight nurses' perceptions of managing pain medications in LTC and related areas where continuing education initiatives for nurses are needed.
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As part of the evaluation of the Confederation's measures to reduce drug related problems, a review of available data on drug use and drug related problems in Switzerland has been conducted. Source of data included: population surveys (adults and teenagers), surveys among drug users, health statistics (drug related and AIDS related deaths, HIV case reporting, drug treatments) police statistics (denunciations for consumption). The aims of reducing the number of dependent hard drug users have been achieved where heroin is concerned. In particular, there seems to have been a decrease in the number of people becoming addicted to this substance. For all other illegal substances, especially cannabis, the trend is towards an increased use, as in many European countries. As regards dependent drug users, especially injecting drug users, progress has been made in the area of harm reduction and treatment coverage. This epidemiological assessment can be used in the discussions currently engaged about the revision of the Law governing narcotics and will be a baseline for future follow up of the situation.
Resumo:
Il existe des associations entre les bars de danse érotique et les activités illicites, dans les écrits journalistiques et scientifiques. Nous avons vérifié ces associations en menant une description des crimes et déviances associés aux bars de danse érotique. Puis, nous avons tenté d’expliquer l’organisation et la structure de ces crimes, en nous appuyant sur l’approche du crime organisant et la théorie de l’écosystème du crime, de Felson (2006). Des entretiens semi-dirigés ont été conduits avec dix femmes danseuses, une femme shooter girl, un propriétaire, un portier et deux clients. Une analyse thématique à deux niveaux a montré que les délits se rapportent aux stupéfiants, à la prostitution, au proxénétisme, aux déviances, et à divers actes de violence. Des distinctions importantes, quant au contrôle selon les établissements sont notées. La structure et l’organisation des crimes peuvent s’expliquer par une logique propre aux relations symbiotiques et interdépendantes, tel que le suggère la théorie de l’écosystème du crime de Felson. Ainsi, la structure des délits peut prendre une forme mutualiste ou parasitaire. L’interrelation propre au neutralisme explique l’organisation générale de ces délits. Le milieu criminogène de la danse érotique offre de multiples opportunités, qui seront saisies par les acteurs motivés, en vue de réaliser un bénéfice personnel. Deux constats étonnants : les données suggèrent que l’implication des organisations criminelles est relativement limitée; et les conséquences occasionnées par les activités du milieu présentent un caractère inquiétant, particulièrement pour les femmes. Des efforts en matière de prévention situationnelle seraient appropriés pour réduire les opportunités.
Resumo:
Colombia durante los últimos años ha intentado cambiar el estigma que tiene, en cuanto a su imagen internacional. Por lo tanto, el país ha tratado de explotar y potenciar las zonas que ha considerado con mayores fortalezas destacándose entre ellas la región de la costa, especialmente la ciudad de Cartagena, permitiéndose el fortalecimiento notable del sector del turismo en esta ciudad. En esa medida, este sector se ha preocupado por mantenerse en una competencia permanente en cuanto a la captación de turistas. Sin embargo, la ciudad de Cartagena se encuentra dentro de una dualidad enmarcada por la desigualdad social que ha polarizado su población. Abriendo paso a la generación actividades que se encuentran determinadas como indeseables. De acuerdo con lo anterior, podría hablarse de que en virtud del turismo se generan unas actividades, que no se encuentran propiamente bajo el marco de lo deseable como en el caso de la prostitución, la venta de estupefacientes y el comercio informal, que sumados a la mala planeación, se han convertido en los mayores problemas que atacan a esta ciudad.
Resumo:
El narcotráfico en México es una claro ejemplo del crimen organizado internacional, en el que las complejas redes de cooperación transnacional, tejidas entre varios grupos alrededor del mundo, se articulan a la manera de una gran empresa organizada creada con fines de lucro, que se basa en la conformación de una economía alternativa derivada del tráfico de narcóticos y otras tantas actividades al margen de la ley, que encuentran en la escasa implementación de políticas concertadas en los ámbitos de la seguridad nacional y hemisférica, el espacio propicio para su accionar.
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El análisis de la política exterior de EE.UU hacia Colombia en el tema de las drogas ilícitas, revela en qué consiste el prohibicionismo y cuáles han sido sus resultados en Colombia y los países vecinos.
Resumo:
El tema de las drogas suscita un debate entre quienes defienden la prohibición y la represión, y aquellos que defienden alternativas como la legalización y/o regulación y otras más moderadas como la descriminalización y la despenalización. Aunque ambas posturas muestran datos empíricos que las soportan, desde el ámbito discursivo la visión represiva se ha posicionado como la más aceptada en el continente americano, más específicamente, en Latinoamérica. El presente trabajo, hace un estudio de caso del proceso de securitización del narcotráfico entre los presidentes de Estados Unidos y Colombia durante el período 1986-1990. A lo largo del texto, se analizan discursos oficiales de los presidentes de ambos Estados, resaltando las estrategias retóricas y sus transformaciones que legitimaron acciones represivas de tipo político-militar contra las drogas. Al final se apunta a reivindicar el discurso como un instrumento para reproducir creencias sobre fenómenos, en este caso, la creencia de que las drogas son una amenaza existencial a la seguridad política y militar para los Estados.
Resumo:
En este estudio de caso se presenta un repaso histórico de las políticas anti-narcóticos en el Perú así como la influencia que ha ejercido EE. UU en ésta a través de la cooperación bilateral. Se analizan igualmente los programas de cooperación en el gobierno de Alan García(2006 - 2011) y sus resultados
Resumo:
Este artículo es una versión reducida del original publicado en la Revista Current History, Vol. 105, No. 688, febrero, 2006, pp. 79-86. La revista Desafíos ha decidido publicar apartes por considerarlo de interés para la discusión sobre los efectos y resultados de la política de erradicación de cultivos ilícitos en Colombia. – This article is an abbreviated reproduction of the article published in the Current History Journal, Vol. 105, Nr. 688, Februrary, 2006, pp. 79-86. Desafíos Journal decided to publish parts of it due to the consideration of its interest for the discussion on consequences and results of the eradication policy of ilegal crops in Colombia.An anti-narcotics policy that ignores the social consequences of drug crops eradication only manages to further radicalize and isolate the population in areas in which lawlessness and potential terrorist activity thrive. It also strengthens the bond between disaffected social groups and guerrilla organizations in these areas. Washington cannot continue to be blind to the fact that the three current US policies on counterterrorism, anti-narcotics, and democratization in Peru and elsewhere in Latin America, are not working in harmony. Paradoxically, the eradication of drug crops —the core of Peru’s US-sponsored anti-narcotics policy— enlarges pockets of poverty and fuels anger against the government. It also perpetuates the proverbial quagmire of alienation in which terrorism breeds. Instead of strengthening the State, drug eradication, particularly in the way it is currently carried out in the Andean countries, increases the risk of State failure.-----El efecto de una política antinarcóticos que ignora las consecuencias de la erradicación de cultivos de coca es radicalizar y aislar aún más la población en aquellas zonas donde prosperan la anarquía y el terrorismo. Además, fortalece los lazos entre los descontentos sociales y los grupos guerrilleros en esas mismas áreas. Washington no puede seguir ciega al hecho de que las tres políticas actuales de Estados Unidos —antiterrorismo, antinarcóticos y democratización en el Perú y otras regiones en América Latina— no están funcionando armónicamente. Resulta paradójico que la erradicación de cultivos de coca -eje de la política antinarcóticos peruana respaldada por Estados Unidos- ensanche las bolsas de miseria y aliente la ira contra el gobierno, además de perpetuar los proverbiales miasmas de marginación en las que se engendra el terrorismo. En vez de fortalecer al Estado, la erradicación de cultivos de coca, tal y como se está llevando a cabo en los países andinos, incrementa las posibilidades de su fracaso.