982 resultados para NATIONAL SOCIALISM


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There is a significant lack of sociological research in Spain about anti-Semitism. At the same time there are alarming anti-Semitic tendencies and anti-Jewish stereotypes which are above the European average. This article aims to explain this lack of sociological research about anti-Semitism in Spain. Therefore two types of explications are offered: on the one hand side some structural problems will be shown which sociology in general had since its beginnings and which complicate the understanding of anti-Semitism. Furthermore explications regarding the specific social and historic situation in Spain and of Spanish sociology in particular will be exposed. It will be shown that for its rationalistic character and with the exception of very few authors – who are considered marginalized for practical research – sociology in general has had enormous problems in understanding anti-Semitism. The specific historic situation, Francoism, the dispute about the historic memory and the delayed institutionalisation of sociology could also explain the lack of sociological interest in the topic especially in Spain. The article shows that the study of anti-Semitism is not only relevant for struggling against this burden of society in many of its variants. Furthermore, thinking about anti-Semitism can help sociology to recognise its own epistemological problems. It can serve to criticise and improve instruments of sociological research by showing the limitations of the sociological approach and to uncover the importance of interdisciplinary research for understanding specific social phenomena. In that sense, anti-Semitism, far from being a marginal subject, can be considered a key topic in the process of civilisation and it can help us to decipher the contemporary Spanish society.

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This paper starts off asking whether a strictly political approach may be deduced based on Martin Heidegger’ ontological analyses of modernity. His interpretation of the Greek phenomenon of the polis is discussed along with the distinction established therein between this form of community and the modern state, founded according to Heidegger on the metaphysical essence of modernity. To clarify this question regard is had to the proclamation of values observed by Heidegger in the different forms of state organization arising in the age of technical consummation of metaphysics. In this connection, his vision of nihilism is studied and a hypothesis is finally offered as to the form of state that would be consistent with a renunciation of the values required, in his view, by the manifestation of the entity in modernity as a wholly producible object.

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Ce mémoire analyse la réception de l’auteur autrichien Thomas Bernhard (1931-1989) au regard des scandales qui ont marqué sa carrière. Tantôt identifié comme l’imprécateur de l’Autriche, tantôt comme écrivain exceptionnel, il aura remis en question le rôle de son pays dans le national-socialisme et multiplié les attaques ad hominem. Il aura tenu un rôle ambigu dans l’espace public. Tout en insistant sur le caractère fictif de ses œuvres, il se mettait en scène de façon provocatrice dans le discours public ainsi que dans sa fiction. Ce mémoire s’intéresse au fonctionnement du scandale en tant qu’événement social complexe ayant lieu dans l’espace public. Les chercheurs s’entendent pour considérer le scandale comme un trouble ou une irritation résultant d’une transgression, apparente ou avérée. Il s’agit en outre d’un phénomène intégré dans l’ordre social et géré par les médias, caractérisé par l’actualisation des valeurs morales. Dans la présente étude, il est postulé que le capital symbolique (cf. Bourdieu) joue un rôle d’a priori et de catalyseur dans les scandales. Une accumulation initiale de capital symbolique assure une visibilité médiatique automatique. Le capital d’identité de Thomas Bernhard – soit la personnalisation du capital symbolique – est hybride et complexe, de sorte qu’il est difficilement appréciable. La difficile appréciation du capital de l’auteur se traduit par l’incertitude des journalistes et du public quant à son message : réactions dispro-portionnées, critique du particulier perçue comme mise en cause de l’universel. Toute dé-claration, toute œuvre de Bernhard est assujettie à ses prestations « scandaleuses » antérieu-res. Ce mémoire insiste sur le caractère autoréférentiel du scandale et s’intéresse aux actes de langage performatifs (cf. John L. Austin). Le corpus comporte des romans de Bernhard, leurs recensions, des articles de quotidiens, des lettres de lecteurs, des documents juridiques ainsi que la correspondance entre Bernhard et Siegfried Unseld.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Màster Oficial en Estudis Avançats en Història de l'Art. Curs: 2008-2009 Directora: Immaculada Socias Batet

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Durante el transcurso de la historia de los pueblos, el ser humano ha sido el actor de incesantes batallas por imponer su cosmovisión a otros. En este proceso por lograr su objetivo, ha desarrollado diferentes estrategias y métodos de persuasión que le han permitido adaptar el entorno a su manera. Uno de estos métodos ha sido la propaganda política, la cual ha sido utilizada por regímenes, sociedades e individuos para transformar y consolidar su posición. La presente monografía pretende dar un primer acercamiento a la manera como un régimen político puede ir adaptando una sociedad determinada. Concretamente, este trabajo busca mostrar cómo a partir de un análisis de la propaganda política gráfica, el Nacionalsocialismo Alemán pudo durante dos décadas (1920 -1940) conformar, instaurar y adaptar la sociedad alemana a una nueva realidad política y sociocultural, dando origen al periodo conocido como Tercer Reich.

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La conservació d’un museu de les característiques del Memorial Museu Auschwitz-Birkenau és de vital importància. La realització d’aquest projecte pretén trobar les mancances que el museu pugui tenir per tal d’aportar-hi solucions. El museu té problemes per a conservar les seves instal·lacions a causa de la manca de fons econòmics i del gran nombre de visites que rep anualment

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The article compares Florian Henckel von Donnersmarck's film Das Leben der Anderen (2006) with Kurt Maetzig's early post-war film Ehe im Schatten (1947). The comparison is based on significant narrative and thematic elements which the films share: They both have a ‘theatre couple’, representatives of the ‘Bildungsbürgertum’, at the centre of the story; in both cases the couple faces a crisis caused by the first and second German dictatorship respectively and then both try to solve the crisis by relying on the classical ‘bürgerliches Erbe’, particularly the ‘bürgerliches Trauerspiel’. The extensive use of the ‘bürgerliches Erbe’ in the films activates the function this heritage had for the definition of the German nation in the nineteenth century. However, while Maetzig's film shows how the ‘heritage’ and its representatives fail in the face of National Socialism, von Donnersmarck's film claims the effectiveness of this ‘heritage’ in the fight against the East German dictatorship. Von Donnersmarck thus inverts a critical film tradition of which Ehe im Schatten is an example; furthermore, as this tradition emerged from dealing with the Third Reich, von Donnersmarck's film, it will be argued, is more interested in the redemption of the Nazi past than the East German past.

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By applying methods of cognitive metaphor theory, Jaworska examines metaphorical scenarios employed in the discourse of anti-Slavism, which featured prominently in radical nationalist propaganda in Germany at the turn of the twentieth century. She does so by analysing metaphorical expressions used to refer to the Polish population living in the eastern provinces of Prussia, in the so-called Ostmark. Her article is based on an analysis of a range of pamphlets and newspaper articles written by some of the leading figures of two nationalist organizations: the Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) and the Eastern Marches Society(Ostmarkenverein). The main research questions it addresses are: What kind of metaphoric scenarios were used to depict the Polish minority, and to what extent were the metaphorical patterns of anti-Slavic imagery similar to those employed in the antisemitic propaganda of the Nazi era? Is there a discursive continuity between the radical nationalism of imperial Germany and the National Socialism of the Third Reich at the level of metaphorical scenarios? Ultimately, Jaworska attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the cognitive mechanisms underlying radical and essentially racist attitudes.

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Trata-se de mostrar a originalidade crítica de Siegfried Kracauer diante da experiência da modernidade estética e de discutir as afinidades estético-teóricas de Kracauer e Benjamim ao analisar a Paris da segunda metade do século XIX, o Segundo Império, em particular, como fenômeno originário da sociedade de massas, da indústria cultural e do entretenimento e, sobretudo, do nazi-fascismo. Kracauer durante seu exílio parisiense (1933-41) escreveu uma biografia da sociedade: Jacques Offenbach e a Paris de sua época (Jacques Offenbach und das Paris seiner Zeit). Obra inovadora pelo seu enfoque da história do presente e com pontos de contatos com a Obra das Passagens (Passagen-Werk) ou Paris capital do século XIX de Walter Benjamin.

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No ano de 1970 houve a publicação da obra póstuma Ave, palavra de Guimarães Rosa (1908-1967) que reúne alguns textos do autor, desta coletânea de textos se faz a escolha das crônicas “O mau humor de Wotan”, “A velha” e “A senhora dos segredos”, que giram em torno do contexto do Nazismo alemão e expõem uma posição contraria ao Nacional Socialismo. Num primeiro momento o trabalho busca mostrar como Benedito Nunes (1929-2011) se guiou por uma tendência interpretativa concebida por comentadores heideggerianos antes das obras completas [Gesamtausgabe] (2001), tal tendência postula que não há na Filosofia de Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) um vínculo entre o pensamento político e o filosófico. O passo seguinte expõe a noção heideggeriana em Ser e Verdade (2001) em que o filósofo alemão propõe uma fundamentação ideológica para o Nazismo, sendo favorável a este com certas ressalvas. Assim, mostra-se como as obras completas expõem argumentos que apontam uma limitação em relação aos comentadores que produziram antes de sua publicação sobre a Política e a Filosofia em Heidegger. No subcapítulo sobre O local da diferença (2005), trata-se do trauma e do testemunho como conceitos centrais que o autor coloca para teorizar as Literaturas do século XX nos contextos de guerra e de regimes autoritários. Após, faz-se uma leitura crítica com base na premissa do pensamento político filosófico em Heidegger nas crônicas rosianas, pois estas expõem imagens do período da Alemanha nazista que o escritor mineiro esteve como diplomata. A segunda crítica das crônicas de guerra será feita com base nos conceitos de trauma e de testemunho formulados por Seligmann-Silva (1964), pois, as obras rosianas tratadas demonstram o teor de autoritarismo do partido nazista. Por fim, será feita uma definição do conceito de recepção de Hans Robert Jauss (1921-1997) para em seguida discutir os autores que fizeram a recepção críticas das crônicas rosianas.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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In 1936, the African-American intellectual W.E.B. Du Bois visited Nazi Germany for a period of five months. Two years later, the eleven-year-long American exile of the German philosopher Theodor W. Adorno began. From the latter’s perspective, the United States was the “home” of the Culture Industry. One intuitively assumes that these sojourns abroad must have amounted to “hell on earth” for both the civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois and the subtle intellectual Adorno. But was this really the case? Or did they perhaps arrive at totally different conclusions? This thesis deals with these questions and attempts to make sense of the experiences of both men. By way of a systematic and comparative analysis of published texts, hitherto unpublished documents and secondary literature, this dissertation first contextualizes Du Bois’s and Adorno’s transatlantic negotiations and then depicts them. The panoply of topics with which both men concerned themselves was diverse. In Du Bois’s case it encompassed Europe, science and technology, Wagner operas, the Olympics, industrial education, race relations, National Socialism and the German Africanist Diedrich Westermann. The opinion pieces which Du Bois wrote for the newspaper “Pittsburgh Courier” during his stay in Germany serve as a major source for this thesis. In his writings on America, Adorno concentrated on what he regarded as the universally victorious Enlightenment and the predominance of mass culture. This investigation also sheds light on the correspondences between the philosopher and Max Horkheimer, Thomas Mann, Walter Benjamin, Siegfried Kracauer and Oskar and Maria Wiesengrund. In these autobiographical texts, Adorno’s thoughts revolve around such diverse topics as the American landscape, his fears as German, Jew and Left-Hegelian as well as the loneliness of the refugee. This dissertation has to refute the intuitive assumption that Du Bois’s and Adorno’s experiences abroad were horrible events for them. Both men judged the foreign countries in which they were staying in an extremely differentiated and subtle manner. Du Bois, for example, was not racially discriminated against in Germany. He was also delighted by the country’s rich cultural offerings. Adorno, for his part, praised the U.S.’s humanity of everyday life and democratic spirit. In short: Although both men partly did have to deal with utterly negative experiences, the metaphor of “hell on earth” is simply untenable as an overall conclusion.

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Oggetto della ricerca è il museo Wilhelm Lehmbruck di Duisburg, un'opera dell'architetto Manfred Lehmbruck, progettata e realizzata tra il 1957 e il 1964. Questa architettura, che ospita la produzione artistica del noto scultore Wilhelm Lehmbruck, padre di Manfred, è tra i primi musei edificati ex novo nella Repubblica Federale Tedesca dopo la seconda guerra mondiale. Il mito di Wilhelm Lehmbruck, costruito negli anni per donare una identità culturale alla città industriale di Duisburg, si rinvigorì nel secondo dopoguerra in seno ad una più generale tendenza sorta nella Repubblica di Bonn verso la rivalutazione dell'arte moderna, dichiarata “degenerata” dal nazionalsocialismo. Ricollegarsi all'arte e all'architettura moderna degli anni venti era in quel momento funzionale al ridisegno di un volto nuovo e democratico del giovane stato tedesco, che cercava legittimazione proclamandosi erede della mitica e gloriosa Repubblica di Weimar. Dopo anni di dibattiti sulla ricostruzione, l'architettura del neues Bauen sembrava l'unico modo in cui la Repubblica Federale potesse presentarsi al mondo, anche se la realtà del paese era assai più complessa e svelava il “doppio volto” che connotò questo stato a partire dal 1945. Le numerose dicotomie che popolarono presto la tabula rasa nata dalle ceneri del conflitto (memoria/oblio, tradizione/modernità, continuità/discontinuità con il recente e infausto passato) trovano espressione nella storia e nella particolare architettura del museo di Duisburg, che può essere quindi interpretato come un'opera paradigmatica per comprendere la nuova identità della Repubblica Federale, un'identità che la rese capace di risorgere dopo l' “anno zero”, ricercando nel miracolo economico uno strumento di redenzione da un passato vergognoso, che doveva essere taciuto, dimenticato, lasciato alle spalle.