907 resultados para Mythical discourse
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The New Zealand's Royal Commission on Genetic Modification (RCGM)'s report was released in the year 2001. RCGM's findings supports the ongoing development of genetic engineering in New Zealand and recommends the recommencement of genetic modification field trials.
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By examining Japanese fictional novels, this article will discuss how anaphoric devices (noun phrases (NPs), third person pronouns (TPPs), and zero anaphors) are selected and arranged in a given discourse. The traditional view of anaphora considers the co-referential relationship between anaphoric devices to be syntagmatic; that is, a pronoun, for example, refers back to its antecedent. It also declares the hierarchical order of information values between anaphoric devices; NPs are semantically the most informative, indicating an episode boundary, and pronouns less informative. Furthermore, zero anaphora is the most referentially transparent, showing the most accessibility of a topic. However, real text shows the contrary. NPs occur frequently while there is no apparent discourse boundary, and the same episode is continuous. This is because zero anaphors and TPPs (if they occur) break down readily due to the nature of a forthcoming sentence and the NP is reinstated, in order to continue the same topic in a given discourse. Therefore, the article opposes the traditional view of anaphora. Based on the concept of text processing, using ‘mental representations’, this article will determine certain occurrence patterns of the three anaphoric devices.
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Throughout the latter months of 2000 and early 2001, the Australian public, media and parliament were engaged in a long and emotive debate about motherhood. This debate constructed the two main protagonists, the unborn 'child' and the potential mother, with a variety of different and often oppositional identities. The article looks at the way that these subject identities interacted during the debate, starting from the premise that policy making has unintended and unacknowledged material outcomes, and using governmentality as a tool through which to analyse and understand processes of identity manipulation and resistance within policy making. The recent debate concerning the right of lesbian and single women to access new reproductive technologies in Australia is used as a case study. Nominally the debate was about access to IVF technology; in reality, however, the debate was about the governing of women and, in particular, the governing of motherhood identities. The article focuses on the parliamentary debate over the drafting of legislation designed to stop lesbian and single women from accessing these technologies, particularly the utilization of the 'unborn' subject within these debates as a device to discipline the identity of 'mother'.
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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.
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This paper aims at developing the topic of identity and the narration of the self through the other in Harold Pinter’s plays Old Times, Betrayal and A Kind of Alaska. In these plays Pinter deploys strategies to convey multiple implications which are based on the power of memory in which the structure of the plays is concocted.
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To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.
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African Studies Review, Volume 52, Number 2, pp. 69–
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The analysis of journalistic discourse and its social embeddedness has known significant advances in the last two decades, especially due to the emergence and development of Critical Discourse Analysis. However, three important aspects remain under-researched: the time plane in discourse analysis, the discursive strategies of social actors, and the extra- and supra-textual effects of mediated discourse. Firstly, understanding the biography of public matters requires a longitudinal examination of mediated texts and their social contexts but most forms of analysis of journalistic discourse do not account for the time sequence of texts and its implications. Secondly, as the media representation of social issues is, to a large extent, a function of the discursive construction of events, problems and positions by social actors, the discursive strategies that they employ in a variety of arenas and channels ‘‘before’’ and ‘‘after’’ journalistic texts need to be examined. Thirdly, the fact that many of the modes of operation of discourse are extra- or supra-textual calls for a consideration of various social processes ‘‘outside’’ the text. This paper aims to produce a theoretical and methodological contribution to the integration of these issues in discourse analysis by proposing a framework that combines a textual dimension with a contextual one
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En el marco de la recuperación de la memoria en relación con los hechos de la última dictadura militar es importante determinar los motivos ideológico-teológicos y prácticos que dificultaron una oposición significativa por parte de la jerarquía de la iglesia a la violación de los derechos humanos, e individualizar los argumentos que impulsaron un discurso y una praxis de reconciliación que privilegió el olvido de las víctimas y apoyó acríticamente los «proyectos de olvido», como la ley de punto final, entre otros. Para analizar dichos discursos y praxis se recurre principalmente a Johann Metz, quien, vinculado a la Escuela de Frankfurt, propone una razón anamnética del sufrimiento ajeno. La originalidad del proyecto es doble, por su contenido y por su enfoque: la confrontación del «servicio de reconciliación» eclesial con la «memoria de las víctimas». Hipótesis de trabajo: el discurso y la praxis eclesial en relación al «servicio de reconciliación» realizado por el Episcopado argentino a partir de 1981, pone de manifiesto: primero, que siguieron vinculados a la idea de "nación católica" (Zanatta 1996, Dri 1997, Esquivel 2004), lo que dificultó, junto a otros factores, la visibilización de las víctimas; segundo, a su vez, analizados a la luz de los aportes filosófico-teológicos mencionados, muestran una notable carencia en la valoración de la memoria de las víctimas, esperable en una reconciliación. Objetivo general: realizar un análisis crítico de los discursos y prácticas institucionales oficiales de la Iglesia católica en Argentina en relación con la memoria de las víctimas de la última dictadura militar. Objetivos específicos: confrontar las experiencias eclesiales argentinas recientes, y sus conceptualizaciones y tipos de argumentación, con una tradición de pensamiento que en relación al acontecimiento del Holocausto sitúa en el centro de la reflexión temas como el de la memoria, el sufrimiento de las víctimas, y un modo peculiar de tratamiento de los hechos históricos; además, individualizar y analizar los argumentos que dificultaron la búsqueda de la justicia y la memoria de las víctimas. Metodología y etapas. 1° Etapa: analizar y sistematizar algunos aspectos de las teorías del conocimiento histórico y de la razón comunicativa en determinadas obras de Benjamin, Bloch y Habermas; posteriormente, precisar la apropiación conceptual de las categorías histórico-filosóficas de dichas corrientes llevada a cabo por Metz para elaborar su «memoria de las víctimas». 2° Etapa: revisar el discurso y la praxis eclesial a partir de 1981 a la luz del marco teórico ya estudiado. Será necesario, por una parte, detenerse en las declaraciones eclesiales oficiales referidas al retorno de la democracia, a las leyes de punto final y obediencia debida, como así también, en el reconocimiento y pedido de perdón por las culpas del pasado.
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The texts by the Spanish Economist School (second half of the 19th century) contain an assessment of the role of women in the economy and society that is transgressor in front of the prevailing discourse that defended a unique and exclusive role for all women: being at home and a mother. Most members of that economic trend defended female work in the factories, basing themselves on wage arguments and even asked for a professional training for those who in many cases could not even write and read for the fact of being a woman. The texts of those economists give new ideas about the economic and social role of women in a Spain dominated by a discourse that denied the necessity of female work for the working families.