Ethnic Minorities

London is the most ethnically diverse city in the UK. Census 2001 population figures suggest that: 40% of Londoners belong to a minority ethnic group, including the White Other and White Irish groups. The White Other (8%), Indian (6%), Black African (5%) and Black Caribbean (5%) groups are the largest in London. With the exception of the Pakistani group, London has the largest population from all ethnic minority groups out of all regions of England. There are wide differences in the proportion of the population from an ethnic minority group in different London boroughs, ranging from 71% in Brent to 8% in Havering.

La reincidència en el delicte en la justícia de menors

El present estudi aporta dades concretes i actualitzades de la reincidència en el delicte que protagonitzen els joves infractors que han entrat en el circuit de la justícia de menors en l’àmbit territorial de Catalunya, després de l’entrada en vigor de la Llei Orgànica 5/2000, que regula la responsabilitat penal dels menors. L'estudi fa el seguiment de 2.903 menors del total de 3.728 que van finalitzar una intervenció de la Direcció General de Justícia Juvenil l’any 2002 i els segueix fins el desembre de 2004, per tal de saber si han reincidit en el delicte, ja sigui com a jove o com adult. La recerca aporta també, entre moltes altres dades, les diferents taxes de reincidència, el perfil del reincident i del no-reincident i altres característiques de la reincidència i del propi delicte. Així mateix, tracta el perfil detallat tant de les noies com dels estrangers, les característiques dels quals quedaven diluïdes fins ara en tots els estudis, pel fet de formar part de col•lectius minoritaris dins del context dels joves infractors

La reincidencia en el delito en la justicia de menores

Esta investigación recoge las características más destacadas de los jóvenes infractores que han pasado por la Dirección General de Justicia Juvenil a lo largo del 2002 y les hace seguimiento hasta diciembre de 2004 para ver si han reincidido en le delito. También estudia específicamente a chicas y extranjeros, para tener datos significativos de dos colectivos minoritarios pero poco estudiados en el contexto de los jóvenes infractores

Active civic participation of immigrants in Portugal

Portugal’s historical past strongly influences the composition of the country’s immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled “permanence” authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants’ civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants’ access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants’ civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants’ access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants’ associative movement, research on local authorities’ policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants’ associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.

Health-related quality of life in migrant preschool children.

BACKGROUND: Minority groups have a lower health-related quality of life (HRQOL), but there is little information if this finding also applies to children. In this study, we compared HRQOL between young children with and without migrant parents. METHODS: Two cross-sectional studies of culturally diverse preschool populations in Switzerland: Ballabeina (40 preschools, 258 girls and 232 boys aged 4 to 6 years) and Youp'là Bouge (58 child care centers, 453 girls and 522 boys aged 2 to 4 years). Most children were born in Switzerland (Ballabeina: 92.3%; Youp'là Bouge: 93.7%). Number of migrant parents was considered as the main exposure. HRQOL was measured using the 23-item Pediatric Quality of Life Inventory. RESULTS: Children of migrant parents had a significantly lower HRQOL total score (mean ± SD, Ballabeina: 84.2 ± 9.1; 82.7 ± 9.6 and 81.7 ± 11.7 for children with none, one or two migrant parents, respectively; Youp'là Bouge: 83.8 ± 8.6; 82.9 ± 9.5; 80.7 ± 11.7, all p < 0.05). Similar results were found in Ballabeina and Youp'là Bouge for social, school and physical functioning (all p < 0.05), but not for emotional functioning. The differences in HRQOL measures were partly mediated by children's place of birth, parental education, paternal occupational level, children's BMI, screen time and physical activity in one study (Ballabeina), but not in the other (Youp'là Bouge). CONCLUSION: In preschoolers, children of migrant parents have lower HRQOL than children of non-migrant parents. These differences are only partly mediated by other sociocultural characteristics or lifestyle behavior. These families may need assistance to prevent further inequalities.

Sibling relationships in Dutch and immigrant families

This study examines differences in sibling relationships among native Dutch and immigrant groups in the Netherlands. It uses a large national dataset to compare adult sibling relationships among Moroccan, Turkish, Caribbean and native Dutch groups, focusing on the varying importance of gender composition and age structure for the sibling relationship in the ethnic minority groups and the native Dutch families. Results show that, on average, ethnic minorities in the Netherlands have more involved sibling relationships in adulthood, with more contact, more emotional support, practical support (except Turks and Antilleans), a higher relationship quality, but also more conflict (among the Turks and Antilleans) compared to the Dutch. Gender constellation and hierarchical position were not of equal influence in all groups, although no clear patterns emerged.

Group 4: Career development for diverse and underserved populations

Globalization and diverse populations due to migration imply that counselors are expected to deliver career services to populations from a large array of cultural settings. Moreover, individuals belonging to minority or non-dominant groups may be underserved or misserved, thus decreasing their chances of finding employment opportunities through career counseling. To develop specific interventions minority or non-dominant groups, it seems important to understand their strength and weaknesses. These strengths and weaknesses will be presented in terms of risk and resilience factors, such as low future orientation and social support respectively. In the last two decades, several authors have made contributions to adapt and improve career services in order to best meet these minority groups' needs. A review of this literature identified thirteen keys to effective practice. For example, one key is to take responsibility for one's own biases and prejudices. Nonetheless, some underserved groups remain difficult to identify. Comparing some basic national demographic data with data from our counseling centers may be helpful in this context in identifying specific groups and assessing needs. One solution, in order to promote social justice across (all) cultural groups, is to encourage multiculturalism in both career counseling and society as a whole. A more inclusive society would allow each person in a minority or non-dominant group to contribute more effectively to the development and growth of this society.

Preparing Tomorrow's Transportation Workforce: A Midwest Summit, 2010

regional transportation workforce development summits held across the United States in 2009 and 2010 as part of a coordinated initiative to ultimately develop a national strategy to address future transportation workforce issues. The initiative is being led by the U.S. Department of Transportation’s (DOT) Research and Innovative Technology Administration (RITA). This particular summit was hosted by Iowa State University’s Midwest Transportation Consortium (MTC) and Institute for Transportation (InTrans). The purpose of the Midwest summit was to assess the educational and training needs of the future transportation workforce and identify strategies to address those needs across various career paths. It addressed a broad spectrum of topics including strategies to attract women and under-represented minority groups, pre-college opportunities and strategies, post-secondary education, post-college continuing education, professional licensure, and specific industry perspectives. The goals of the summit were (1) to gain an improved understanding of the transportation workforce needs of Iowa and the surrounding states and (2) to identify best practices in addressing the workforce development needs. This event had two tracks: one focused on pre-college education and the other focused primarily on college education and practitioners. Attendees provided a good cross-section of the larger transportation industry. From what was learned at the summit, Iowa State University, like other regional hosts, can develop a “profile of needs” for Iowa including specific job categories over specific time horizons. The summit was also successful in identifying best practices in addressing the workforce needs that can be utilized by us and others as potential tools or in a “national-level list of attributes.” Each regional summit has provided some guidance in developing statewide profiles. The collection of best practices or tools from all the regional summits can be shared and applied to address state (or regional) needs profiles to attract, develop, and retain an effective workforce.

El problema de las minorías en Xinjiang y sus repercusiones en las Repúblicas de Asia Central

En este trabajo vamos a analizar facetas del renacimiento de las identidades locales y las consecuencias que ello está trayendo en la provincia china de Xinjiang y sus repercusiones en las repúblicas del Asia Central.

The multicultural moment : the history of the idea and politics of multiculturalism in Sweden in comparative, transnational and biographical context, 1964–1975

The emergence of the idea of multiculturalism in Swedish public discourse and social science in the latter half of the 1960s and introduction of official multiculturalism in 1975 constituted a major intellectual and political shift in the post-war history of Sweden. The ambition of the 1975 immigrant and minority policy to enable the preservation of ethno-cultural minorities and to create a positive attitude towards the new multicultural society among the majority population was also incorporated into Swedish cultural, educational and media policies. The rejection of assimilationism and the new commitment to ethno-cultural diversity, the multicultural moment, has earned Sweden a place on the list of the early adopters of official multiculturalism, together with Canada and Australia. This compilation thesis examines the origins and early post-war history of the idea of multiculturalism as well as the interplay between idea and politics in the shift from a public ideal of homogeneity to an ideal of multiculturalism in Sweden. It does so from a range of conceptual, comparative, transnational, and biographical perspectives. The thesis consists of an introduction (Part I) and four previously published studies (Part II). The primary research result of the thesis concerns the agency involved in the break-through and formal establishment of the idea of multiculturalism in Sweden. Actors such as ethnic activists, experts and officials were instrumental in the introduction and establishment of multiculturalism in Sweden, as they also had been in Canada and in Australia. These actors have, however, not previously been recognized and analysed as significant idea-makers and political agents in the case of Sweden. The intertwined connections between activists, social scientists, linguists, and officials facilitated the transfer of the idea of multiculturalism from a publically contested idea to public policy via the way of The Swedish Trade Union Confederation, academia and the Royal Commission of Immigration. The thesis furthermore shows that the political success of the idea of multiculturalism, such as it was within the limits of the universalist social democratic welfare state, was dependent on whom the claims-makers were, the status and positions they held, and the way the idea of multiculturalism was conceptualised and used. It was also dependent on the migratory context of labour immigration in the 1960s and 1970s and on whose behalf the advocates of multiculturalism made their claims. The majority of the labour immigrants were Finnish citizens from the former eastern half of the kingdom of Sweden who were net contributors to the Swedish welfare state. This facilitated the recognition of their ethno-cultural difference, and, following the logic of universalism, the ethno-cultural difference of other minority groups in Sweden. The historical significance of the multicultural moment is still evident in the contemporary immigration and integration policies of Sweden. The affirmation of diversity continues to set Sweden apart from the rest of Europe, now more so than in the 1970s, even though the migratory context has changed radically in the last 40 years.

L’accommodement raisonnable, outil d’égalité face à la diversité religieuse et culturelle au Québec

L’accommodement raisonnable, perçu de manière erronée comme un outil octroyant des privilèges particuliers aux communautés ethno religieuses, fût la source d’une atmosphère de malaise social au sein de la communauté québécoise. Face à une immigration récente non occidentale, ayant fortement contribué à la modification du paysage sociétal québécois, un désarroi populaire transformé en « la crise des accommodements » (2006-2007), s’est emparée soudainement d’une partie de la population canadienne – française. Plusieurs questions fondamentales relatives au droit à l’égalité se posent : comment préserver l’identité québécoise si chacun veut faire valoir sa propre culture et religion ? Mais aussi, n’avons-nous pas lutté pour que les droits fondamentaux soient assurés pour tous ? Ce mémoire montre que l’accommodement raisonnable, loin de privilégier les minorités religieuses, est un moyen juridique permettant à tous les citoyens d’accéder à l’égalité et de vivre sans subir de discrimination. La liberté de religion faisant partie des droits fondamentaux garantis par les chartes canadienne et québécoise, doit être protégée en tant que telle. L’accommodement raisonnable révèle une autre dimension de sa fonction : une contribution fondamentale à la réflexion collective sur le vivre - ensemble social, vecteur de l’évolution sociétale. Un équilibre peut être atteint entre les exigences d’un État neutre et le respect des libertés individuelles fondamentales. Ainsi, les choix de la laïcité ouverte et de l’interculturalisme s’inscrivent harmonieusement dans l’esprit des autres valeurs de la société québécoise, laquelle est marquée de part son histoire par des valeurs laïques respectueuses de la diversité culturelle et religieuse.

Les pratiques parentales, le désengagement scolaire des amis et le rendement scolaire chez les élèves du secondaire nés en Haïti et fréquentant une école en milieu défavorisé

Ce mémoire contient un article ayant été soumis à la Revue de Psychoéducation. Cet article a été rédigé avec comme co-auteur Michel Janosz

Will Kymlicka et les angles morts du libéralisme - Vers une théorie non-libérale du droit des minorités?

Will Kymlicka a formulé une théorie libérale du droit des minorités en arguant que l'on doit protéger les cultures minoritaires des influences extérieures, car, selon lui, ces cultures fournissent aux individus un contexte de choix significatif qui permet la prise de décision autonome. Il limite donc la portée de sa théorie aux minorités « culturelles », c'est-à-dire les minorités nationales et immigrantes, qui peuvent fournir ce contexte de choix significatif aux individus. Évidemment, les injustices vécues par ces deux types de minorités, aussi sévères soient-elles, n'épuisent pas les expériences d'injustices vécues par les membres de groupes minoritaires et minorisés (i.e. minorités sexuelles, femmes, Afro-Américains, etc.). On pourrait donc être tenté d'élargir la portée de la théorie du droit des minorités pour rendre compte de toutes les injustices vécues en tant que minorité. Toutefois, je défends la thèse selon laquelle cette extension est impossible dans le cadre d'une théorie libérale, car une de ses méthodes typiques, la « théorie idéale », limite la portée critique des thèses de Kymlicka et parce que l'autonomie individuelle a un caractère si fondamental pour les libéraux, qu'ils ne peuvent rendre compte du fait que certaines décisions individuelles autonomes peuvent contribuer à perpétuer des systèmes et des normes injustes.

The Constitutional basis of aboriginal rights

Aboriginal rights are rights held by aboriginal peoples, not by virtue of Crown grant, legislation or treaty, but “by reason of the fact that aboriginal peoples were once independent, self-governing entities in possession of most of the lands now making up Canada.” It is, of course, the presence of aboriginal peoples in North America before the arrival of the Europeans that distinguishes them from other minority groups in Canada, and explains why their rights have special legal status. However, the extent to which those rights had survived European settlement was in considerable doubt until as late as 1973, which was when the Supreme Court of Canada decided the Calder case.2 In that case, six of the seven judges held that the Nishga people of British Columbia possessed aboriginal rights to their lands that had survived European settlement. The actual outcome of the case was inconclusive, because the six judges split evenly on the question whether the rights had been validly extinguished or not. However, the recognition of the rights was significant, and caught the attention of the Government of Canada, which began to negotiate treaties (now called land claims agreements) with First Nations in those parts of the country that were without treaties. That resumed a policy that had been abandoned in the 1920s, when the last numbered treaty was entered into.

Les écoles privées à projet religieux ou spirituel : analyse de trois «communautés» éducatives : juive, musulmane et Steiner : à Montréal

La légitimité des écoles privées fondées sur un projet religieux ou spirituel fait l’objet de débats épineux tant au Québec qu’ailleurs, depuis plusieurs années (chapitre 1). À la différence des nombreux travaux normatifs déjà produits sur ces questions, cette thèse propose une contribution empirique sur la réalité de certaines de ces écoles à Montréal. Notre objectif général consiste donc à comprendre comment la dimension religieuse ou spirituelle d'écoles privées de groupes ou courants minoritaires (juives, musulmanes, Steiner) se traduit dans les discours et pratiques de l'école. La mise en lien d’écoles abritant des projets éducatifs minoritaires de différentes natures vise par ailleurs à poser un regard plus large sur l’identité, ethnique ou religieuse. Après avoir analysé les trois écoles, nous examinons les différences ou convergences significatives entre elles. Puis, nous tentons de mieux comprendre comment leurs discours et leurs pratiques nous renseignent sur les attentes parallèles relatives à l’éducation en contexte libéral. Nous portons alors attention (chapitre 2) aux interactions entre le curriculum « séculier » et une perspective religieuse ou spirituelle, à la conception de l'autonomie dans la scolarisation, à la formation du citoyen et à la hiérarchisation des valeurs éducatives. En nous inspirant entre autres de Juteau (1999), nous considérons ces écoles comme des « communautés » éducatives. Notre démarche méthodologique (chapitre 3), d’inspiration ethnographique, s’articule autour d'observations participantes en 5e et en 6e année du primaire et en 1re et 2e année du secondaire (environ 3 jours par classe) et à plus de 45 entrevues, menées auprès des enseignants, des directions d’école et des parents d’élèves. Même si notre dispositif ne consiste pas à faire « émerger » une théorie, nous nous inspirons de la méthode de la « théorisation ancrée » pour analyser nos données. Le premier chapitre d’analyse (chapitre 4) illustre d’abord un cas relativement « pur » de communalisation, puisque l’école Steiner produit du spirituel sans forcément se situer dans un rapport de force avec d’autres groupes sociaux. Cela reflète donc comment une lignée identitaire peut être construite grâce à l’enracinement dans une tradition et une mémoire « créées» par l’école. L’école musulmane (chapitre 5) adapte plutôt les références associées à la religion de manière à constituer un « pont » entre la socialisation primaire et celle de la société d’accueil. On constate en effet que la direction et les enseignants de l’école ne réinventent pas la lignée croyante, mais ne la reproduisent pas non plus à l’identique. En ce qui concerne l’école juive (chapitre 6), elle permet surtout d’attester une communauté ethnoreligieuse extérieure. La tradition juive enseignée à l’école, souvent qualifiée de « traditionalisme non religieux » par les acteurs scolaires, présente donc peu de réinterprétations ou de transformations dans ce contexte scolaire. Un dernier chapitre d’analyse (chapitre 7), abordant les trois écoles dans une perspective comparative, met notamment en perspective comment ces trois institutions transmettent une culture identitaire et un style de vie débordant le cadre scolaire, qui englobent les croyances religieuses et/ou spirituelles, mais ne s’y réduisent pas.